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Wöber – The Autonomy of Gagauzia<br />
confirmed. 223 According to the hierarchy of laws, the autonomy would have to<br />
bring its laws into line with the state ones, whereas the Gagauz refer to the<br />
political compromise that was reached in the 1990s, which intended that<br />
Moldova would bring its laws into conformity. 224<br />
Despite continuing contradictory interpretations, all interviewed experts<br />
agreed that the current law systems were not corresponding to each other.<br />
Signed cooperation agreements between parliament and the People’s<br />
Assembly have never been implemented. 225 In general, MPs of Gagauz origin<br />
working in the parliament stressed their potential role as dialogue partners<br />
for colleagues from Comrat – an offer that has not been accepted to date. 226<br />
Other experts saw the problems in Chisinau. MPs in the Moldovan<br />
parliament did not know much about the autonomy and its laws, so the<br />
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) had proposed –<br />
without success – the establishment of a People’s Assembly liaison office to<br />
facilitate drafting laws and assist with checking the drafts. 227 Ana Harlamenko<br />
reiterated the long-standing Gagauz demand that quotas should enable<br />
participation in parliament, and Gagauz also be represented in other levels of<br />
the state. As the speaker of the People’s Assembly, she had no rights and<br />
could not participate in parliamentary commissions. 228<br />
MP Stoianoglu pointed out that the People’s Assembly had competences in<br />
certain fields that were clearly laid down in the Autonomy Statute. Up until<br />
2012, the deputies in the autonomy would – due to incompetence – simply<br />
copy state laws and then add their own ideas, which in the end led to<br />
juridical chaos and contradictions in the implementation of the laws.<br />
Furthermore, this process was not monitored and by 2012 a number of laws<br />
existed which went beyond the autonomy’s competences. 229<br />
3.1.5.4. Revision Mechanisms of the Autonomy<br />
In general, after the constitutional changes and with respect to the 1994<br />
Law’s status as organic law, a revision of the Autonomy Statute demanded a<br />
broad consensus in Chisinau and Comrat. Most experts referred to the<br />
continuing contradictions in the document, but calls for adaptations were not<br />
strong. One opinion was that changing the Autonomy Statute should not be<br />
talked about – only strengthening it should be discussed. 230 MP Victor Popa<br />
223 Victor Mocanu.<br />
224 Igor Botan. This was also mentioned by Nikolai Telpiz as proof that the early promises had not been<br />
fulfilled by the central authorities and that the autonomy was being undermined.<br />
225 Irina Vlah claimed that the authorities in Comrat appeared to have no interest in this.<br />
226 Alexandru Stoianoglu; Petru Vlah.<br />
227 Gottfried Hanne.<br />
228 Ana Harlamenko. Victor Mocanu also remembered the case put forward by the People’s Assembly<br />
some years ago where they had asked for change of the status of its deputies to the same as MPs in<br />
the parliament of Moldova, whereas this request was declined.<br />
229 Alexandru Stoianoglu. According to Vlad Petru, for the past three years, not one law was adopted to<br />
improve the living standards of Gagauzia. Among the law initiatives sent to Chisinau, either the<br />
topics were unrealistic or focused on exclusions for inhabitants of Gagauzia, which were not<br />
possible.<br />
230 Irina Vlah.<br />
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