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Wöber – The Autonomy of Gagauzia
potential to influence this state–autonomy relationship, EU integration is
clearly the greatest, and can rely on growing trust and support in the
autonomy. The real influence of Turkey and the Russian Federation, in
addition to their financial aid, is based on many years of support and
sentiments. In particular, the popularity of pan-Slavic political programmes
and attitudes imply that the Soviet identity is still the strongest in Gagauzia.
A continued opening up of the region and perspectives for transborder
cooperation might also bring a slow challenge to this manifested identity.
An interesting perspective in the expert talks were the differing attitudes
and proposals by the MPs of Gagauz origin, whose criticism, though certainly
not free from political party considerations, was mainly directed at their
fellow colleagues in power in Comrat. While parts of the Gagauz elite do not
want to perceive those MPs as representatives of the autonomy, they could
be challenged further to step forward for the rights of their fellow people.
The question remains if the chance to form parties in Gagauzia as an
exception would foster integration in the political life of Moldova, and if this
helped to structure the political process in the autonomy. At the same time,
the ongoing mobilization to influence decision-making via regional parties
with a strong Gagauz component could be an interesting contribution to
democratic processes in the country.
The role and responsibilities of the state - even though weak and faced
with economic difficulties - towards the territorial autonomy cannot be
stressed enough; but also the political representatives of Gagauzia cannot
reject their duties and role in the continuing standstill. Frustrations are high
and the initial hopes for improved cooperation after the change in power in
the capital appear to be quite diminished, whereas the elites in Comrat have
not contributed positively to any substantial improvements recently. Elites
are caught in internal struggles and infighting that prohibits even the
adoption of laws on an autonomy level and partially infringed the holding of
local elections. Furthermore, personal politics and certain populism, like
unrealistic demands and laws, are the dominating factors in local politics.
Some of the mechanisms in place to give the Gagauz a voice in decisionmaking
in the centre are not working. In this respect it should also be
reflected upon what the ex officio government position of the Bashkan gives
to the autonomy if it retains a rather symbolic value. Opportunities such as
the legal initiative right are not used to their fullest, if at all, and the
question arises as to how far cooperation and communication with the centre
is really on the agenda of local elites. The latter should not refrain from
finding solutions by working together with international actors but should
utilize the chance to set a new imperative to the 1994 Law. There is a valid
argument, as well as a legitimate wish, to professionalize the official
structures of the ATU, especially the People’s Assembly.
There are some proposals for improvements and the core of the problems
seems clear, but cooperation from the autonomy’s authorities and more
pragmatism, as well as clear action, for the support of the Moldovan state are
needed. With respect to the renewed transformation processes in the
country, with a president having been elected in March 2012 and the positive
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