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Nationalism on the Margins - Brendan Karch

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industrialized societies. In this model <strong>the</strong> nati<strong>on</strong> was not ordained by nature, as<br />

primordialists suggest, but instead was simply ordained by modernity. 24<br />

The thread tying toge<strong>the</strong>r nati<strong>on</strong>alist activists, historians professing primordial nati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

and <strong>the</strong>ir c<strong>on</strong>structivist critics is a belief in <strong>the</strong> salience of nati<strong>on</strong>s as socially coherent<br />

membership groups. Rogers Brubaker has labeled this “groupist” thinking, which assumes<br />

that nati<strong>on</strong>s are “substantial, enduring collectivities.” 25 Much groupist thinking stems from<br />

a c<strong>on</strong>flati<strong>on</strong> of nati<strong>on</strong>alist activists with <strong>the</strong> broader populati<strong>on</strong>s whom activists claimed to<br />

represent. Activists portrayed nati<strong>on</strong>s, based <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own pers<strong>on</strong>al experiences, as a thick<br />

social web of nati<strong>on</strong>alist youth groups, self-help societies, singing choirs, sports teams,<br />

political committees, and paramilitary gangs. Their internalist narratives of nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

organizati<strong>on</strong> are <strong>the</strong>n subsequently portrayed by historians as a model of societies at large.<br />

In an ideal type of this nati<strong>on</strong>alized society, all citizens c<strong>on</strong>structed <strong>the</strong>ir social circles,<br />

educated <strong>the</strong>ir children, cast <strong>the</strong>ir ballots, organized <strong>the</strong>ir ec<strong>on</strong>omic interests and channeled<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir passi<strong>on</strong>s within <strong>the</strong> social bounds c<strong>on</strong>structed by nati<strong>on</strong>alist organizati<strong>on</strong>s. Historical<br />

narratives working within various iterati<strong>on</strong>s of this model, however, c<strong>on</strong>flate <strong>the</strong> practices of<br />

a small group of committed nati<strong>on</strong>alist activists with <strong>the</strong>ir claims for <strong>the</strong> existence of clear-<br />

cut nati<strong>on</strong>al groups. 26 Just because Central European activists envisi<strong>on</strong>ed society as divided<br />

into stable nati<strong>on</strong>al groups of Germans and Czechs, Poles and Ukrainians, does not mean<br />

24 According to Gellner, “<str<strong>on</strong>g>Nati<strong>on</strong>alism</str<strong>on</strong>g> as such is fated to prevail, but not any <strong>on</strong>e particular nati<strong>on</strong>alism.” Gellner,<br />

Nati<strong>on</strong>s and <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nati<strong>on</strong>alism</str<strong>on</strong>g>, 47.<br />

25 Rogers Brubaker, Ethnicity Without Groups (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 8, ———,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Nati<strong>on</strong>alism</str<strong>on</strong>g> Reframed: Nati<strong>on</strong>hood and <strong>the</strong> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Questi<strong>on</strong> in <strong>the</strong> New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University<br />

Press, 1996), 21.<br />

26 Brubaker, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nati<strong>on</strong>alism</str<strong>on</strong>g> Reframed, 15. Brubaker calls this a c<strong>on</strong>flati<strong>on</strong> of “categories of practice” with “categories of<br />

analysis.”<br />

14

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