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Nationalism on the Margins - Brendan Karch

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a world defined not by <strong>the</strong>ir own subjectivity, but ra<strong>the</strong>r by <strong>the</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>alists who saw <strong>the</strong>m<br />

as oddities unable to fit nati<strong>on</strong>al divisi<strong>on</strong>s. These labels <strong>the</strong>refore privilege a nati<strong>on</strong>alist<br />

frame. Those that lived in <strong>the</strong>se spaces had little c<strong>on</strong>sciousness of being hybrids or having<br />

liminal identities. Upper Silesians made sense of <strong>the</strong>ir world not as an in-between space lost<br />

between nati<strong>on</strong>s, but ra<strong>the</strong>r as a real, lived space defined for most by bilingualism, Catholic<br />

practice, and ec<strong>on</strong>omic hardship. It was this subjectivity which local citizens used to frame<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir understanding of <strong>the</strong>ir communities, regi<strong>on</strong>s, states, and worlds, ra<strong>the</strong>r than any sense<br />

of living hybrid or cosmopolitan lives.<br />

Local and regi<strong>on</strong>al studies that address <strong>the</strong> agency of <strong>the</strong>ir subjects to c<strong>on</strong>struct <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

own loyalties are best positi<strong>on</strong>ed to answer <strong>the</strong> fundamental, often overlooked, questi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

how Poles and Germans came to be, and why some chose nei<strong>the</strong>r loyalty. The relative<br />

success of <strong>the</strong>se three possible outcomes in Oppeln/Opole, as defined by <strong>the</strong> interplay<br />

between nati<strong>on</strong>alist activists and local citizens, forms <strong>the</strong> basis of <strong>the</strong> work that follows.<br />

Ga<strong>the</strong>ring evidence for this “interplay” of forces was not a transparent task. One recent<br />

work <strong>on</strong> Hungarian-Romanian nati<strong>on</strong>al relati<strong>on</strong>s in c<strong>on</strong>temporary Cluj shows <strong>the</strong> benefits<br />

of ethnography and pers<strong>on</strong>al interviews for a truly in-depth study of <strong>the</strong> salience of nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

divisi<strong>on</strong>s in everyday life. 61 Such opti<strong>on</strong>s were not feasible as <strong>the</strong> evidential basis for a<br />

history which ends with World War II. Local citizens who were indifferent to <strong>the</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

meanwhile, were unlikely to form clubs or o<strong>the</strong>rwise leave behind historical records of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

apathy. This dissertati<strong>on</strong> must thus rely to a significant degree <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong> records of nati<strong>on</strong>alists<br />

<strong>the</strong>mselves. Ra<strong>the</strong>r than take <strong>the</strong>ir claims at face value, I attempt a careful reading of<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>alist activity against <strong>the</strong> grain, seeking out failures, c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s, or disjuncti<strong>on</strong>s in<br />

61 Rogers Brubaker, et. al., Nati<strong>on</strong>alist Politics and Everyday Ethnicity in a Transylvanian Town (Princet<strong>on</strong>: Princet<strong>on</strong><br />

University Press, 2006).<br />

28

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