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Nationalism on the Margins - Brendan Karch

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The democratic Weimar era proved a crucial turning point in <strong>the</strong> growing divisi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

between activists and nati<strong>on</strong>ally apa<strong>the</strong>tic Upper Silesians, and thus is <strong>the</strong> focus of two<br />

separate chapters. Chapter four addresses <strong>the</strong> failure of <strong>the</strong> Polish nati<strong>on</strong>alists <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

German side of newly partiti<strong>on</strong>ed Upper Silesia to nati<strong>on</strong>alize <strong>the</strong> populati<strong>on</strong>, despite a<br />

greatly augmented social-cultural program. Attempts to target local Polish speakers –<br />

especially youth – through <strong>the</strong>ater and singing groups found short-term success in <strong>the</strong> later<br />

1920s, but failed to c<strong>on</strong>vey an enduring sense of nati<strong>on</strong>alist bel<strong>on</strong>ging. The increasingly<br />

insular group of nati<strong>on</strong>alist activists regularly exaggerated threats and violence against<br />

Poles, while at <strong>the</strong> same time lamenting <strong>the</strong> apathy of <strong>the</strong>ir own Polish-speaking flock<br />

towards <strong>the</strong>ir nati<strong>on</strong>alizati<strong>on</strong> project. Schools and church catechism remained particularly<br />

potent sites of nati<strong>on</strong>al apathy, as parents increasingly chose a bilingual or German<br />

educati<strong>on</strong> for <strong>the</strong>ir children <strong>on</strong> grounds of social integrati<strong>on</strong>. The Catholic Center Party<br />

experienced a resurgence as <strong>the</strong> protector of <strong>the</strong>se bilingual rights and practices – a positi<strong>on</strong><br />

it had established in <strong>the</strong> plebiscite period by securing provincial aut<strong>on</strong>omy for <strong>the</strong> regi<strong>on</strong><br />

and greater c<strong>on</strong>trol over cultural policies. Polish nati<strong>on</strong>alists, meanwhile, saw <strong>the</strong>ir electoral<br />

support plummet over <strong>the</strong> course of <strong>the</strong> Weimar period, and entered <strong>the</strong> Nazi era in<br />

disarray, with ano<strong>the</strong>r internal revolt am<strong>on</strong>g activists. While <strong>the</strong>se activists looked back <strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> 1920s in disappointment, many felt an affinity – counter-intuitive though it may seem<br />

– with <strong>the</strong> new Nazi regime, in that both sides now advocated <strong>the</strong> racial unmixing of<br />

societies and an end to practices of assimilati<strong>on</strong> and integrati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

While efforts to create a Polish nati<strong>on</strong>al community around Oppeln/Opole resolutely<br />

failed in <strong>the</strong> Weimar era, so too did efforts to forge German nati<strong>on</strong>al loyalty am<strong>on</strong>g local<br />

citizens, as shown in chapter five. The Polish and German nati<strong>on</strong>al projects were<br />

32

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