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The State of Canada's Cities and Communities 2012 - FCM

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Chapter 3<br />

Page 1<br />

INTRODUCTION<br />

Chapter 3:<br />

<strong>State</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Federal-Municipal<br />

Partnership: Towards a Seat at<br />

the Table<br />

SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD ONCE SAID, “CANADA IS A HARD COUNTRY TO GOVERN.”<br />

IF SO, THEN SOME OF THE DIFFICULTY MAY BE FOUND IN THE ROLE ASSIGNED TO<br />

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS BY THE CONSTITUTION: THERE ISN’T ONE.<br />

Canada’s Constitution, which began life as the<br />

1867 British North America Act (BNA), made<br />

municipalities the constitutional responsibility <strong>of</strong><br />

the provinces. All their functions, finances <strong>and</strong><br />

governing structure depend on their provincial<br />

government.<br />

As for a municipal relationship with the federal<br />

government—again, there isn’t one, at least<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficially. On Canada’s constitutional map, the<br />

lines <strong>of</strong> power connect Ottawa with provincial<br />

<strong>and</strong> territorial capitals, <strong>and</strong> those capitals with<br />

individual local governments. <strong>The</strong>re is no direct<br />

constitutional link between municipalities <strong>and</strong><br />

the federal government.<br />

As is <strong>of</strong>ten the case with maps, the reality<br />

on the ground differs considerably from the<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficial version, as it has since at least 1901.<br />

That’s when 68 municipal delegates repre senting<br />

52 municipalities met in Toronto to form the<br />

Union <strong>of</strong> Canadian Municipalities (UCM), a precursor<br />

to the Federation <strong>of</strong> Canadian Municipalities<br />

(<strong>FCM</strong>).<br />

What brought them together was a problem<br />

not anticipated by the Fathers <strong>of</strong> Confederation<br />

in 1867: telegraph <strong>and</strong> telephone lines, <strong>and</strong><br />

control over where they could be installed. <strong>The</strong><br />

UCM won its battle with the utility companies<br />

by influencing the federal government, although<br />

the issue still simmers. This success proved the<br />

value <strong>of</strong> a municipal association that could deal<br />

directly with the federal government on issues<br />

where their jurisdictions intersected.<br />

<strong>The</strong> struggle that produced the UCM illustrates<br />

a basic fault line within Canada’s constitutional<br />

division <strong>of</strong> powers: the disconnect between<br />

municipal <strong>and</strong> federal governments. In true<br />

Canadian fashion, this fault line has generated<br />

successive political accommodations: a process<br />

characterized by evolution, rather than revolution.<br />

However, with the growing importance <strong>of</strong> cities<br />

<strong>and</strong> communities to Canada, <strong>and</strong> the world in<br />

general, the fault line created in 1867 has become<br />

increasingly problematic. Today, with some<br />

cities surpassing some provinces in population<br />

<strong>and</strong> GDP, the consequences are more severe,<br />

<strong>and</strong> the need for new mechanisms to resolve<br />

problems is more pressing.

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