The Syntax of Givenness Ivona KucerovÃ¡

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(4) Derivation of basic word order of unergatives: TP T vP subject vP v-V VP t V (5) Derivation of basic word order of unaccusatives: TP T vP v-V VP t V subject I argue that there is nothing special about unaccusatives and unergatives with respect to G-movement. The leftmost element can also be interpreted as given, without any word order change, as seen in (6) and (7). (6) a. What did Mary do? b. Marie || tancovala Marie danced ’Marie danced.’ (7) a. What arrived? b. Přijel arrived || vlak train ‘A train arrived.’ Furthermore, as the examples in (8) and (9) show, if the word order is reversed, the all new interpretation is not available anymore and the leftmost element must be interpreted as given. (8) a. What happened? b. #[Tancovala Marie] New danced Marie ’Marie danced.’ c. Who danced? d. Tancovala || Marie danced Marie ’Marie danced.’ ‘There are various opinions about history.’ 44
(9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak přijel] New train arrived ‘A train arrived.’ c. What about the train? d. Vlak || přijel train arrived ‘The train arrived.’ To conclude, we have seen that even though an element in Spec,TP is often interpreted as given, there is nothing about this particular syntactic position that enforces given interpretation. I argue that this conclusion can be extended to other syntactic positions as well, i.e., there is no syntactic projection that is canonically associated in Czech with given interpretation. As we will see in the next section, G-movement may take place after any merge. This means that it can target various syntactic positions. One might conclude that basically any syntactic position is a good enough landing site for G-movement. In section 2.3, I will show, however, that the possibilities of various landing sites are restricted by G- movement being parasitic on head movement. In chapter 4, I will refine the generalization even further. I will show that the landing sites are further restricted by their semantic type. 2.2 When in the derivation does G-movement apply? In this section I will address the question of timing of G-movement. In order to distinguish among different theories, I will look more closely at more complex word order facts. On the basis of this data, I will argue that G-movement may take place after any merge (both internal and external). I will consider in turn three hypotheses: (i) G-movement may take place only at a phasal level, (ii) G-movement may take place at the end of any maximal projection, and (iii) G-movement may take place after any merge, the hypothesis I will argue for. (10) Timing of G-movement: G-movement may take place after any merge. Consider first the examples in (11) and (12). The example in (11) shows the basic word order in a ditransitive construction. The example in (12) differs only in a local word order change: while in the basic word order, the indirect object Pavel precedes the direct object ‘horse’, the order of the objects is reversed in (12). The rest of the order is the same. (11) Neutral order: S V IO DO a. What happened? / What did Mary give to Pavel? / . . . b. (||) Marie (||) dala (||) Pavlovi (||) koně. Marie.Nom gave to-Pavel.Dat horse.Acc ‘Marie gave Pavel a horse.’ (12) a. Whom did Marie give a horse? 45
Page 1 and 2: The Syntax of Givenness by Ivona Ku
Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgments Two things were dif
Page 5 and 6: A.4 A note on base generation . . .
Page 7 and 8: (2) a. SVO: Chlapec našel lízátk
Page 9 and 10: accent on the auxiliary did in (4-a
Page 11 and 12: Pitch (Hz) 500 400 300 200 100 0 ch
Page 13 and 14: (6) Petr řídil včera rychle auto
Page 15 and 16: phrases are required to undergo G-m
Page 17 and 18: . A entails (α,U) where (α,U) is
Page 19 and 20: (23) What can be understood as new?
Page 21 and 22: (28) Derivation of [Subject]-G verb
Page 23 and 24: functionalist tradition there has b
Page 25 and 26: c. ?P v-V vP Subject vP v-V VP V Ob
Page 27 and 28: (40) What happened to the antique c
Page 29 and 30: movement is possible. (47) a. Why d
Page 31 and 32: TP Aux vP money vP gave VP t money
Page 33 and 34: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
Page 35 and 36: c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraž
Page 37 and 38: (63) a. #Diskuse proběhla bez věd
Page 39 and 40: (70) a. #Žáky a učitelku to pře
Page 41 and 42: Chapter 2 G-movement In chapter 1,
Page 43: asic word order cases we expect wor
Page 47 and 48: . ?P DO vP subject vP v VP V VP IO
Page 49 and 50: . vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO
Page 51 and 52: . Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rych
Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
Page 59 and 60: a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X
Page 61 and 62: existing Agree relation in case it
Page 63 and 64: 2.4 Summary In this chapter, I have
Page 65 and 66: 3.1 Deriving the verb partition In
Page 67 and 68: We will see in the next section how
Page 69 and 70: e. vP subject vP DO vP v VP v V DO
Page 71 and 72: If more than one given element may
Page 73 and 74: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
Page 75 and 76: (20) a. Marie otevřela zase dveře
Page 77 and 78: cause she was interrupted by her mo
Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
Page 81 and 82: move again, (38-b). When the given
Page 83 and 84: Since the subject is new, the deriv
Page 85 and 86: stituent containing several given e
Page 87 and 88: 4.1 Where we stand In the previous
Page 89 and 90: differently. As we have seen in (2)
Page 91 and 92: on the semantic component, more pre
Page 93 and 94: 4.2 Marking givenness by an operato
Page 95 and 96:
a. What happens with all the money
Page 97 and 98:
‘Martin was loved again.’ The c
Page 99 and 100:
Furthermore, I assume that if there
Page 101 and 102:
lexical head. In a way, we want the
Page 103 and 104:
(54) a. VP Petr VP V t Petr b. vP P
Page 105 and 106:
c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
Page 107 and 108:
In the same way that there can be t
Page 109 and 110:
(70) st terminating point object e,
Page 111 and 112:
c. G-operator and local G-movement:
Page 113 and 114:
Mary managed chair G to-burn d. G-o
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well. Recall that there are two rel
Page 117 and 118:
There is simply no way the G-operat
Page 119 and 120:
(97) a. And what will he read and t
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In this case, the given part is ‘
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To sum up, we now have in place a f
Page 125 and 126:
Generic indefinites behave slightly
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. #Porsche má kamarád mojí ženy
Page 129 and 130:
The position of the sentential stre
Page 131 and 132:
is whether English givenness is rea
Page 133 and 134:
Appendix A G-movement is A-movement
Page 135 and 136:
. Svoji kočku má ráda Marie. her
Page 137 and 138:
with movement of a pronoun over a c
Page 139 and 140:
Petr’s friends.Acc saw Marie.Nom
Page 141 and 142:
A.5 Summary To conclude, we have se
Page 143 and 144:
Biskup, Petr. In preparation. The p
Page 145 and 146:
Dotlačil, Jakub. 2004. The syntax
Page 147 and 148:
Junghanns, Uwe. 1999. Generative Be
Page 149 and 150:
Neeleman, Ad, and Tanya Reinhart. 1
Page 151 and 152:
Selkirk, Elizabeth O. 1995. Sentenc
Page 153:
Zikánová, Šárka. 2006. Slovosle
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The Syntax of Givenness Ivona KucerovÃ¡

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