Spotlight on economic abuse - Good Shepherd Youth & Family ...

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Particular vulnerabilities to economic abuse With survey and research studies pointing to economic abuse occurring in conjunction with other forms of domestic violence it is likely that any patterns of vulnerability to economic abuse are similar to patterns of vulnerability identified for domestic violence more generally. While domestic violence is found across all socioeconomic groups some groups may face particular risks and these risks may arise from the complex interactions of a range of factors. As survey research has not traditionally measured economic abuse, the information that is available about vulnerability to economic abuse must largely be drawn from studies that can tell us much about the particular ways in which different groups may be vulnerable to economic abuse but less about the likelihood of economic abuse being more or less common as a form of domestic and family violence for some groups of women than for others. Australian surveys of women’s experiences of domestic violence, while not including measures of economic abuse, identify young women aged between 18 and 24 years as particularly at risk of experiencing domestic violence (Mouzos & Makkai 2004). Women are also identified as being at higher risk of experiencing violence in the periods prior to and following separation from a partner and during pregnancy (Mouzos & Makkai 2004; VicHealth 2007). There has been some recent attention in Australia and elsewhere to the domestic and family violence experienced by older people and reviews of the literature suggest there are some factors common in older age groups that have implications for effective responses for older women experiencing domestic and family violence (Bagshaw, Wendt & Zannettino 2009; McFerran 2009; Straka & Montminy 2006). These factors include reluctance to report violence, financial problems and financial dependence (including barriers to employment), and health and care issues, all of which may make it difficult for women to leave abusive relationships. In relation to care, Straka and Montminy (2006) note that both women receiving and providing care may experience this as a barrier to leaving an abusive relationship. Bagshaw, Wendt and Zannettino (2009) note that studies have found that abuse of older people within the family is still largely the abuse of older women by older and younger men. They also suggest that for older women a particular problem may be a lack of recognition of forms of abuse that are not physical or sexual as domestic violence. Bagshaw, Wendt and Zannettino (2009) also identify ‘effects’ of rurality, race and culture as interacting to influence older people’s vulnerability to economic abuse. Increased risks associated with these factors include the existence of barriers to seeking help which include cultural norms, low English language skills and/or accessibility of appropriate services and information. Other women who may face such barriers include Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, women with a disability, women with mental health issues or illness and women who are lesbian, bisexual, transgender or intersex people (State of Victoria 2010). The nature of women’s dependence on a partner or other family member may increase the vulnerability of some groups of women who experience domestic violence to experiencing economic abuse as part of this violence (Sanders & Schnabel 2007). For example women who are asylum seekers, refugees or recent migrants applying for residency or work visas, women in small family agricultural businesses, women with a disability, and women in some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities may have particular vulnerabilities to economic abuse. Women with a disability or illness who have physical care needs or cognitive impairments may have particular vulnerabilities to domestic violence (Healey et al. 2008). A recent Victorian study of violence against people with cognitive impairments identified financial abuse and neglect by a range of different family members including intimate partners and 16
also parents and children and paid staff who were carers of the person they abused (Office of the Public Advocate 2010). A British study of women with disabilities by Hague et al. (2008) identified examples of economic abuse by intimate partners that included women being denied money for medicines and for essential personal needs related to impairment and of abusive partners taking over total control of the finances of women who were highly dependent. Similarly Smith and Hilton (2008) report women with disabilities being prevented from going to work by partners and other family members who for example, refused to assist with daily routines such as grooming, damaged communication devices or removed batteries from electric wheelchairs. Economic abuse in the form of ‘humbugging’ has been identified as a particular problem for people in some indigenous communities (ALRC/NSWLRC 2010, p. 214; Bryant & Willis 2008). Humbugging is the practice of demanding money or other material resources from relatives, it is often enforced by threatening behaviour (ALRC/NSWLRC 2010, p. 214) or through ‘trickery and deceit’ and it is most commonly perpetrated by young men (NCRVAWV 2009, p. 189). It can leave people with little or no money for food and other essentials and, while humbugging may occur throughout communities, the most common victims are women. Bryant and Willis (2008, p. 6) note that while the extent of economic abuse in indigenous communities has not been quantified “its physical, emotional and mental effects are potentially devastating”. While there may be particular difficulties identifying and addressing humbugging in the context of kinship and family obligations and practices which promote sharing, no relevant research literature was found on this. Other groups may be at increased risk of violence due to facing cultural or language barriers to seeking help (Bonar & Roberts 2006 cited by Dimopolous 2011). Low English language skills can be a barrier to accessing information and services while cultural norms in some communities may create barriers for some women. In a discussion of elder abuse Wainer et al. (2010, p. 10) make the point that “the management of money and intergenerational asset transfer within families is culturally bound and draws on deeply held values about appropriate behaviour and responsibilities between generations”. This has a wider applicability to domestic and family violence and may be a factor increasing risk in some age groups and for some groups from particular ethnic and cultural backgrounds. However, it needs to be remembered that culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) groups are not homogeneous and cannot be treated as such, a point which has been stressed by researchers (Dimopoulos 2011; Morgan & Chadwick 2009). A group of migrant women who are particularly vulnerable to being trapped in situations of violence and abuse are women who are in relationships with citizens or permanent residents of Australia but who themselves are awaiting permanent residency (Pham 2011). The Australian Domestic & Family Violence Clearinghouse’s (ADFVC) recent qualitative study included several women whose partners had attempted to sabotage their migration applications or make it difficult for them to apply for work visas or residency (Braaf & Barrett Meyering 2011). Vulnerability for women in these circumstances may also be high because of social isolation and lack of alternative means of financial support, including inability to take up paid work due to language and skill barriers or visa restrictions and lack of eligibility for income support payments. Women living in rural and remote areas, including women in indigenous communities, may be less likely to seek help for domestic violence. Drawing together the findings from a number of Australian studies, Mitchell (2011) identifies the ideology of self-reliance, informal sanctions and social control as factors in this along with traditional gender roles as risk factors. Women in rural and remote areas may also find it harder to seek help or leave a violent relationship. Morgan and Chadwick (2009) also review relevant Australian literature and they identify the barriers as isolation and a lack of services (including lack of access to services that women perceive as confidential and as providing anonymity). 17
Page 2 and 3: Spotlight on Econo
Page 4 and 5: Contents List of Abbreviations ....
Page 6 and 7: Executive Summary This literature r
Page 8 and 9: legal matters migration matters hea
Page 10 and 11: There is a need for greater support
Page 12 and 13: Overview This paper is organised as
Page 14 and 15: The DV Vic definition informs the u
Page 16 and 17: Case Study: Maria Maria’s husband
Page 18 and 19: Some ‘typical scenarios’ of eco
Page 20 and 21: As part of repeated or ongoing cont
Page 22 and 23: also outside the scope of this pape
Page 24 and 25: Influences, Impacts and Points of I
Page 28 and 29: Exploring the impacts of economic a
Page 30 and 31: Impacts relating to child support.
Page 32 and 33: Compared with 1995, people were mor
Page 34 and 35: Public Policies and Practices There
Page 36 and 37: the legal frameworks affecting dome
Page 38 and 39: In addition to family violence poli
Page 40 and 41: Centrelink may seek to recover paym
Page 42 and 43: Services staff providing customer s
Page 44 and 45: perpetrators to be excluded from th
Page 46 and 47: purpose is to “build the capacity
Page 48 and 49: financial literacy strategy. Howeve
Page 50 and 51: or in any other way controls or dom
Page 52 and 53: In its recent review the ALRC ident
Page 54 and 55: and for the creation of a new tempo
Page 56 and 57: equiring assistance or consideratio
Page 58 and 59: establish if there is a need for re
Page 60 and 61: considered by community sector grou
Page 62 and 63: Community Services Policies and Pra
Page 64 and 65: Financial counselling services are
Page 66 and 67: Conclusion: Community services resp
Page 68 and 69: —— 2011, Forms of employment, A
Page 70 and 71: Chappell, D & Di Martino, V 2000, V
Page 72 and 73: se.unsw.edu.au/Conference%20papers/
Page 74 and 75: Northern Territory Government 2008,
Page 76 and 77:
VicHealth—see Victorian Health Pr
Page 78 and 79:
ALRC (2011c) recommendations for ch
Page 80:
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