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Journal of Germanic Linguistics Late Placement of the Finite Verb in ...

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262 Haukur orgeirsson<br />

The example <strong>in</strong> 31 conta<strong>in</strong>s an unbound clause, and its f<strong>in</strong>ite verb tawido<br />

‘made’ is clearly <strong>in</strong> a late position (see órhallur Eyórsson 2001:22–23<br />

for a more detailed analysis). Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Eddic <strong>in</strong>stances above have a<br />

similar structure. Here is one example:<br />

(32) Oddrúnargrátr<br />

17.1–2 Brynhildr í búri /bora raci.<br />

Brynhildr <strong>in</strong> bower.DAT /border.ACC embroidered<br />

‘Brynhildr embroidered a border <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> bower.’<br />

The fornyrislag meter is <strong>the</strong> most direct descendant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> common<br />

<strong>Germanic</strong> meter. It seems plausible that it would preserve some archaic<br />

l<strong>in</strong>guistic features not found <strong>in</strong> more recently developed meters, such as<br />

dróttkvætt.<br />

Given this, I propose that late placement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> verb is an archaic<br />

remnant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> freedom <strong>in</strong> word order present <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> language at an earlier<br />

stage. If this were true, it would be reasonable to expect late<br />

placement to occur most prom<strong>in</strong>ently <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> oldest poems and ever less <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> newer ones. It has already been mentioned that Kuhn did not detect a<br />

significant difference between older and newer poems <strong>in</strong> this respect;<br />

however, s<strong>in</strong>ce I do not believe Heusler’s chronology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Eddic poems<br />

to be accurate, this is not necessarily a problem.<br />

However, if <strong>the</strong> Eddic chronology <strong>of</strong> Heusler and his followers is not<br />

to be trusted, <strong>the</strong>n what criterion can be used to evaluate <strong>the</strong> idea that late<br />

placement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> verb is an archaic feature? I propose to compare this<br />

putative archaic feature with ano<strong>the</strong>r feature known to be archaic. The<br />

most suitable l<strong>in</strong>guistic feature <strong>of</strong> this sort is <strong>the</strong> expletive particle um/<strong>of</strong>.<br />

A conspicuous feature <strong>of</strong> Gothic and <strong>the</strong> West <strong>Germanic</strong> languages<br />

is <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> unstressed prefixes, such as ga-/ge-. In Old Norse, <strong>the</strong><br />

correspond<strong>in</strong>g prefixes were almost completely lost, and very few traces<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> oldest prose texts. In old poetry, however, <strong>the</strong><br />

expletive particle variously written as <strong>of</strong> or um represents <strong>the</strong> remnants <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> old prefixes. Thus, Old Norse rúni ‘friend, confidant’ corresponds to<br />

Old English gerúna ‘counselor, confidant’. In Haustlng, <strong>the</strong> oldest<br />

poem to preserve this word, it appears as <strong>of</strong> rúni.<br />

In his detailed study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expletive particle, Kuhn (1929) po<strong>in</strong>ted<br />

out that it was most amply present <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> oldest poetry and decl<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>

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