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Danish in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar - German ...

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. Valence and Constituent Order<br />

.<br />

V[ . ⟨⟩]<br />

2 NP[acc] .<br />

. V[ . ⟨ 1 ⟩]<br />

1 NP[nom]<br />

.<br />

V[ .⟨ 1 , 2 ⟩]<br />

.<br />

das Buch .<br />

.<br />

jeder .<br />

kennt .<br />

Figure .: Analysis of das Buch jeder kennt (the book everybody knows)<br />

for express<strong>in</strong>g constra<strong>in</strong>ts on pronoun b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g. So the obliqueness order<strong>in</strong>g has to be<br />

represented elsewhere <strong>in</strong> set-based approaches.<br />

For authors who assume b<strong>in</strong>ary branch<strong>in</strong>g structures the difference between languages<br />

with fixed constituent order and languages with free constituent order lies <strong>in</strong><br />

the value of 1 and 3 <strong>in</strong> Schema . If either 1 or 3 is the empty list one gets a fixed<br />

constituent order, with head complement comb<strong>in</strong>ation either <strong>in</strong> order of obliqueness or<br />

<strong>in</strong> the reverse order of obliqueness.<br />

To sum up, there are three approaches to free constituent order: Flat structures, l<strong>in</strong>earization<br />

doma<strong>in</strong>s with discont<strong>in</strong>uous constituents, and the non-cancellation of syntactic<br />

and semantic properties of arguments.<br />

.. <strong>Head</strong>s and Projection of <strong>Head</strong> Features<br />

Section . <strong>in</strong>troduced head features and Figure . shows that the <strong>in</strong>formation about part<br />

of speech of the head is present at every projection, but until now noth<strong>in</strong>g has been said<br />

about head feature propagation. e identity of the head features of a head and of a<br />

mother node is taken care of by the follow<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciple:<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple (<strong>Head</strong> Feature Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple) In a headed phrase, the value of the mother<br />

and the value of the head daughter are identical.<br />

is can be formalized by the follow<strong>in</strong>g implicational constra<strong>in</strong>t:<br />

()<br />

headed-phrase ⇒<br />

[ ||| 1<br />

|||| 1<br />

]<br />

Dra of October , , :

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