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Danish in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar - German ...

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A topological model of the <strong>Danish</strong> clause<br />

. V -clauses and V -clauses<br />

As <strong>in</strong> <strong>German</strong>, three basic clause types can be dist<strong>in</strong>guished <strong>in</strong> <strong>Danish</strong>. e three clause<br />

types are def<strong>in</strong>ed accord<strong>in</strong>g to the placement of the f<strong>in</strong>ite verb and the status of the first<br />

position (the Prefield) as either filled or unfilled. e clause types roughly correspond<br />

to an embedded clause (Type I), an unembedded declarative clause (Type II) and a polar<br />

question (Type III), but these are only approximations. All clause types occur embedded<br />

and unembedded and with different illocutionary forces as also shown <strong>in</strong> the examples<br />

below (cf. also Hansen & Helto (: p. )).<br />

• Type I: V -clause (the “embedded” clause): e f<strong>in</strong>ite verb is <strong>in</strong> the verbal field<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g sentential adverbs such as the negation. e a.-example is embedded,<br />

the b.-example is unembedded. <br />

() a. fordi beviserne [ikke] [hang] sammen <br />

because evidence. not hang together<br />

‘because the evidence was not sufficient’<br />

b. Bare Antonio [ikke] [misforstår] det. <br />

if.only Antonio not misunderstands it<br />

‘If only Antonio does not misunderstand it.’<br />

• Type II: V -clause with a filled Prefield (an unembedded declarative clause):<br />

e f<strong>in</strong>ite verb is outside the Verbal Field <strong>in</strong> a fronted position preced<strong>in</strong>g sentential<br />

adverbs such as the negation, and the Prefield is filled (V). Note that the f<strong>in</strong>ite verb<br />

precedes the negation, while it follows the negation <strong>in</strong> Type I-clauses (example (a)<br />

and (b)). e a.-example is an unembedded Type-II-clause, the b.-example is an<br />

embedded Type-II-clause<br />

() a. [Danmark] [er] [ikke] repræsenteret ved f<strong>in</strong>alen i Wien. <br />

Denmark is not represented at f<strong>in</strong>al. <strong>in</strong> Vienna<br />

‘Denmark is not represented at the f<strong>in</strong>al <strong>in</strong> Vienna.’<br />

Interest<strong>in</strong>gly type I-clauses (with a complementizer) can also be the complement of another complementizer.<br />

In example (i), the complementizer at (‘that’) takes as its complement a type I-clause <strong>in</strong>troduced with<br />

the complementizer mon (‘I wonder’) (Hansen & Helto : p. ). e complemenizer mon (‘I wonder’)<br />

is further discussed <strong>in</strong> Section ... below.<br />

(i)<br />

Tænker blot på, [at] [mon ikke de også holder sommerferie]<br />

th<strong>in</strong>k just of that MON not they also make summer.vacation<br />

‘I was just th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g, I wonder if they are not also on summer vacation.’<br />

(http://www.netdoktor.dk/<strong>in</strong>teractive/discussion/viewtopic.php?f=&t=,[/ ].)<br />

KorpusDK.<br />

KorpusDK.<br />

KorpusDK.<br />

<br />

Dra of October , , :

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