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Convergence Between Black Immigrants and Black Natives Across ...

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The Earning-Age of Immigration profile is more positively sloped for African <strong>and</strong> Caribbean blacks<br />

than those of other races. For Africans it is steeply upward sloping for both men <strong>and</strong> women. Both, African<br />

men <strong>and</strong> women on average have higher earnings premia than black Caribbeans. Refugees have a even<br />

steeper earnings-age of immigration profile than non-refugees, suggesting that deliberate location choice is<br />

not driving this pattern. Refugee men have exceptionally high return on their unobservables. This is in line<br />

with Cortes’s (2004) finding that from 1980 to 1990 refugees made greater gains in English proficiency,<br />

working hours, <strong>and</strong> wages, than economic immigrants.<br />

<strong>Black</strong> immigrants are much more likely than Asians <strong>and</strong> Hispanics to come from countries where English<br />

is an official language. This could lead to a decreased weight placed on arriving early. To explore this<br />

hypothesis, Figure 9e <strong>and</strong> Figure 9f split black immigrants into blacks who come from countries where<br />

English is an official language <strong>and</strong> those that do not. <strong>Immigrants</strong> from English speaking countries indeed<br />

have a less negatively sloped gradient for men <strong>and</strong> a more positively sloped gradient for women. <strong>Immigrants</strong><br />

from countries where English is not listed as an official language still have a considerably less negatively<br />

sloped earnings-age of immigration profile than Asians <strong>and</strong> Hispanics.<br />

6 The Importance of Labor Force Participation Differences<br />

6.1 <strong>Across</strong> Generation Comparison<br />

From Table 2 we already learned that labor force participation decisions differ significantly between blacks<br />

of the first <strong>and</strong> second generations. While 86% of black first generation males participate in the labor force,<br />

only 81% of age-adjusted second generation males are labor force participants. This difference does not<br />

exist for women where 76% of first generation females <strong>and</strong> 77% of second generation females participate in<br />

the labor force.<br />

Section 4 established that much of the convergence for women <strong>and</strong> all of it for men can be explained<br />

by differential labor force attachment propensities across generations. In order to underst<strong>and</strong> more about<br />

the convergence phenomenon, the subsequent regressions focus on labor force participation as an outcome<br />

variable.<br />

Table 7 <strong>and</strong> 8 focus on black men <strong>and</strong> women, respectively. In column (1) all immigrants are included.<br />

Columns (2) - (6) limit first generation immigrants to those who spent over 10 years in the US. This allows<br />

us to focus only on permanent immigrants; immigrants who are more likely to be parents of the subsequent<br />

second generation. We see that if all immigrants are included, the decrease in labor force participation is 10<br />

percentage points (.0806 - (-.0196)) for men. When recent immigrants are excluded, the decrease increases<br />

to close to 13 percentage points. Including state fixed effects shrinks the gap to about 11 percentage points.<br />

Column (5) restricts the sample to low-educated individuals (high school degree or less). For low-educated<br />

black men the decrease reaches 18 percentage points. This highlights the importance of differential labor<br />

force attachment for low-educated blacks across generations in explaining the convergence between black<br />

12

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