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Convergence Between Black Immigrants and Black Natives Across ...

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8 Conclusion<br />

This paper adds to the existing literature on three dimensions. First, it lays out the fact that black immigrants<br />

have become a large part of the black population in the last decades. Second, it demonstrates that the<br />

characteristics of immigrant blacks are very different from those of native blacks. Third, it determines how<br />

much immigrants blacks converge to native blacks across <strong>and</strong> within a generation. To put these patterns into<br />

perspective, they are compared to those of other races/ethnicities.<br />

The share of black immigrants among the black population in the US has increased from 1% in the<br />

1970s to 11% in 2011. <strong>Black</strong> immigrant males’ earnings <strong>and</strong> wages are higher than those of native blacks<br />

but the premium is small once we condition on being employed. Employment, education, incarceration,<br />

<strong>and</strong> marriage outcomes confirm that we are dealing with two completely different subsets of the population.<br />

<strong>Black</strong> immigrants are much more likely than native blacks to be employed, married, highly educated <strong>and</strong> not<br />

incarcerated.<br />

In summary, first generation black immigrants undoubtedly have better labor market outcomes than black<br />

natives. They directly pass on some characteristics such as high human capital investments to the next generation.<br />

The transmission of labor force attachment seems to be weaker, suggesting that the second generation<br />

is converging to natives. <strong>Black</strong> immigrants do not only converge to black natives across generations but<br />

also within a generation. For Asians <strong>and</strong> Hispanics, earnings premia decrease monotonically with age of<br />

immigration. For blacks, the earnings-age of immigration profile is upward sloping for those immigrating<br />

before the age of 15. <strong>Convergence</strong> across generations is mostly driven by low-educated second generation<br />

blacks that drop out of the labor force in greater numbers than low-educated first generation immigrants do.<br />

Similarly, convergence within a generation is driven by the fact that black first generation immigrants who<br />

arrive at an early age have a weaker labor force attachment than immigrants who arrive in the US when they<br />

are older. A social interactions model with an assimilation parameter that varies by age of immigration helps<br />

explain this phenomenon for men. When making their labor force participation decision, male immigrants<br />

generally place more weight on the characteristics of natives the earlier they immigrate.<br />

References<br />

[1] Abramitzky, Ran, Leah Boustan, <strong>and</strong> Katherine Eriksson. 2012. “A Nation of <strong>Immigrants</strong>: Assimilation<br />

<strong>and</strong> Economic Outcomes in the Age of Mass Migration”.<br />

[2] Becker, Gary S., <strong>and</strong> Nigel Tomes. 1979. “An equilibrium theory of the distribution of income <strong>and</strong><br />

intergenerational mobility”. Journal of Political Economy 87: 1153–1189.<br />

[3] Bhattacharya, Debopam, <strong>and</strong> Bhashkar Mazumder 2007. “Nonparametric analysis of intergenerational<br />

income mobility with application to the United States”. Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago WP 2007-12.<br />

20

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