the nutritional status of - Health Systems Trust

5.5 Black South Africans
Traditional eating patterns and taboos of the different black groups in South Africa have been described by Becker
(1975), Beyers (1979), Coetzee (1982), Vorster et al. (1987), and Gresse (1991). Although there are several unique
features and taboos of individual groups, there are also common habits and patterns. One is that traditionally, only
two meals were eaten daily. Breakfast was eaten late in the morning and originally consisted only of sour milk
(amazi), especially in the South Nguni’s. Later, a thin porridge cooked from cereal (sorghum, millet or maize meal)
and served with sour milk was added. Wolmarans et al. (1995) found, however, that present day urban African
children have breakfast consisting mainly of bread before school. Only 14 % of grade 1 pupils and 17 % of standard
3 pupils in their sample did not eat breakfast. The main meal was usually served after dusk and consisted of two
dishes. The first was the main cereal dish such as a thick porridge or a cereal and vegetable mix (maize meal
cooked with pumpkin or samp and beans). The second was a side dish of meat, meat gravy or a vegetable stew, in
which the cereal (eaten by hand) could be dipped in. It was believed that the side dish should “ease the swallowing”
of the main cereal dish. Snacking between meals was common and a fermented cereal beverage (or beer with a
low alcohol content) was consumed in huge quantities to quench thirst and to still hunger pangs. Even small
children could drink this home brewed beverage.
Another common feature is that a bitter and sour musty taste is the favourite taste in African cuisine. To create this
taste, gall from slaughtered animals was sprinkled over food. The stomach content or some bitter plants were also
used for this purpose. Sweetening agents were not added to foods, although honey and sugar cane were eaten as
snacks.
Milk was a favourite food. However, its consumption was influenced by numerous taboos and rituals. It was usually
used as sour milk. Only small children and the elderly drank fresh milk. Milk consumption indicated kinship. A
man could only drink milk in his own household or in that of a paternal of maternal relative. A woman could only
drink milk obtained from her husband’s herd, and then only when she was accepted by her new family. An
“impure” women, as during menstruation or after a miscarriage, had to avoid milk and all milk containers. Milk
played a purification role and was sprinkled around a house (as was bile from a slaughtered animal), to “purify” the
house. It is possible that some of the older taboos regarding milk may be responsible for the low milk intake of
present day Africans. Pettifor et al. (1979) found that rural black children drank even less milk than urban children
and that this led to hypocalcaemia in the rural children.
Other taboos which could jeopardise nutritional status were that pregnant women were not allowed to eat vegetables
or sweet or hot foods and that during the last month of pregnancy, very little could be eaten to avoid big babies and
difficult deliveries. Women were also not allowed to eat eggs because it was believed that it would either make
them infertile, or let them acquire extra lovers. Religious beliefs, based in an ancestor cult where ancestral spirits
were guarding over the descendants, influenced consumption of certain foods and particular customs during
several ceremonies. Nutritionally, some of these beliefs and practices could also limit intakes of certain foods by
specific people, while it would favour intakes of others. For example, in the Pedi culture, only the men of the tribe
were allowed to eat the “funeral meat” obtained from an ox or goat slaughtered for a funeral feast.
It is possible that in the past the traditional attitude towards cattle (Fox, 1979) as well as the land tenure custom
contributed to food insecurity and low nutritional status of some Africans.
5.6 Comments
It is not known how many of these older customs still influence eating patterns of the modern African. Ramphele
& Heap (1991) found that hostel dwellers in urban areas of the Western Cape ate more frequently and regularly than
when they were “home-based” in their rural area. Lazarus and Bhana (1984) are of the opinion that lack of
nutrition knowledge, exchange of nutritional misconceptions by housewives and traditional practices passed on to
the next generation are major causes of community malnutrition.
Tables 78 to 83 clearly illustrate that nutrient intakes of all South Africans may be improved by including more milk,
milk products, fruits and vegetables in the diet. The dietary (nutrient) intake results shown in Section 3.3 also
demonstrate how dietary patterns have changed during urbanisation and that urban Africans now follow a much
more westernised diet with more fat and less fibre. In addition, Tables 81 and 82 show that inadequate weaning
practices were associated with a deterioration of nutritional status of black infants. The availability of an inexpensive
nutrient dense weaning food and knowledge on the correct use of such a food, or increasing energy density of
maize porridge by adding oil, sugar or peanut butter could be one way to address the problem of undernutrition in
these infants.
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