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Beijing Olympics 2008: Winning Press Freedom - World Press ...

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<strong>Beijing</strong> <strong>Olympics</strong> <strong>2008</strong>: <strong>Winning</strong> <strong>Press</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />

21<br />

Tensions in China's media universe:<br />

between independence and censorship<br />

Robert Dietz<br />

Asia Program Coordinator, Committee to Protect Journalists<br />

It is clear the Chinese government wants the <strong>Olympics</strong> to come off without a flaw. That<br />

preoccupation has led to overly aggressive attempts to control the media. While those<br />

attempts will most likely be futile, experience shows that China tends to err on the side of<br />

heavy-handedness when it comes to dealing with anything that challenges the image of<br />

China as a unified nation with little internal dissent.<br />

Despite all the negative factors I will be listing in the next few minutes, China’s media<br />

universe has continued to expand for more than a decade, driven by commercialization<br />

and the demands of an increasingly sophisticated readership. Many Chinese reporters<br />

pursue stories in a competitive atmosphere that is similar to that faced by reporters<br />

outside of China. They and their editors regularly push the limits of censorship, and many<br />

Chinese journalists tell us they feel freer than they have ever been to report.<br />

That may be true, but in the period leading to the Olympic Games, the Central<br />

Propaganda Department’s censorship machine is running at the higher level it uses to<br />

control news flow during critical party congresses and national legislative assemblies,<br />

when the government wants to stifle all criticism. And, even though there has been a<br />

flurry of releases earlier this year, China continues to hold 24 journalists behind bars, the<br />

largest number of any country in the world. Since China was awarded the <strong>Olympics</strong> on<br />

July 13 2001, at least 37 journalists have been imprisoned for their work, and 16 of those<br />

37 remain there. But the jailing of journalists in China does not tell the entire story. The<br />

vast majority are not in jail, and operate within a system of well-defined limits, set by the<br />

party's propaganda department - which was renamed in 1998, in English only, the Central<br />

Publicity Department.<br />

Though the Chinese constitution protects freedom of the press, speech, and expression,<br />

there are institutional barriers to the free distribution of news in China. All news outlets<br />

must be authorized by the State Council and must comply with specific regulations<br />

guarding almost every aspect of operations: hiring and training practices, the amount of<br />

their registered capital, where they are located, ties to any sponsoring state agency, and<br />

the number of their news bureaus.<br />

The propaganda department's regulations for broadcast, print, and Internet news outlets<br />

list broad categories of unacceptable content, including anything that “disrupts the social<br />

order or undermines social stability” or is “detrimental to social morality or to the finer<br />

cultural traditions of the nation.” Organizations that violate these regulations may be<br />

punished with fines or closure. By law, all news outlets must be affiliated with a state<br />

entity, but the degree of direct party oversight, the level of financial pressure, and the<br />

influence of reporters and editors vary across regions and types of media. Print and<br />

Internet media tend to have more leeway than broadcasters. Authorities in Shanghai have

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