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Beijing Olympics 2008: Winning Press Freedom - World Press ...

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<strong>Beijing</strong> <strong>Olympics</strong> <strong>2008</strong>: <strong>Winning</strong> <strong>Press</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />

90<br />

democratization, it would follow the Soviet Union's lead and disappear. The Tibetans and<br />

the Uighurs would take their autonomy, and the breakup of China would follow.<br />

Elites accepted the discourse of the party. Most of the intellectuals, most economic elites,<br />

most political elites agreed that it was necessary to put aside disagreements and for<br />

everyone to work for the development of China, to make it a strong country. This became<br />

clear after 1992, after Deng Xiaoping's trip to the south.<br />

The economic development triggered by the new policy, which was really impressive<br />

under Jiang Zemin, had various consequences. One was development of huge inequalities,<br />

which started to worry the leadership during the 10 years from 1992 to 2002.<br />

The elites improved their living standards, they improved their symbolic position also.<br />

They enjoyed larger freedom of expression, as long as it was not in public.<br />

But most of the working people, whom the Communist Party supposedly represented - the<br />

workers, the peasants, the laid-off workers (xiagang) and the migrant workers (mingong),<br />

who are the artisans of the Chinese miracle - were left out, and intellectuals didn't care<br />

about that, except for a very small minority.<br />

So, on the one hand, the elites - the managers, the entrepreneurs and the intelligentsia -<br />

supported the party, while, on the other hand, the working people, deprived of access to<br />

any channel of expression, were completely marginalized. The situation was becoming so<br />

dangerous that the leadership realized it had to do something because it threatened the<br />

cardinal principle that stability overrides everything else (wending yadao yiqie).<br />

To maintain stability, it was necessary to give something to the marginalized; and this<br />

happened in the early 21st Century. After 2003, when Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao came to<br />

power, the government decided to make a few concessions to society, giving more<br />

latitude to the media and using the rhetoric of law, while continuing to prevent the<br />

emergence of autonomous organizations.<br />

For the Communist Party, the growing inequalities were not a social problem. They were<br />

not a political problem. The government told people that if they had complaints they<br />

should go to the courts. The official media emphasized that Chinese citizens had rights,<br />

human rights, and were entitled to defend them, but these were not guaranteed by an<br />

independent judiciary.<br />

And what happened is that Chinese citizens who were victims of abuse by cadres seized<br />

on this rhetoric and tried to advance their rights by using the law. They "took the fraud at<br />

its own word" (jiaxi zhenchang). But what had been conceived by the authorities as a way<br />

to prevent social discontent from manifesting itself had the opposite effect. Part of the<br />

intelligentsia, especially legal specialists, lawyers and journalists, became interested in the<br />

claims of the people and tried to give a voice to the voiceless - to the peasants, farmers<br />

and workers deprived of their rights. What happened then, of course, was that the<br />

authorities cracked down on lawyers and on human rights activists.

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