1991 No. 1 CONTENTS - Institute of Social and Cultural ...

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232 J anusz Mucha Conclusions I have discussed in this article a few examples of ritualized collective behaviour. It is now necessary to remind readers of the actions of the authorities and of the organizers of the rituals. Quite often, they openly demanded certain kinds of behaviour but did not actually penalize those who deviated beyond certain limits tacitly drawn by the authorities. We can interpret this situation by using at least two theories that may be true in different cootexts. According to the f«st, the behaviour of the· authorities was both instrumental and realistic. They were aware of the fact that it was impossible to enforce the homogeneity of human reactions and so aimed merely at maximum possible compliance. According to the secmd theory, their behaviour was fll'St of all ritualistic: they presented unrealistic demands in order to satisfy their ideology rather than to obtain total obedience. According to the thesis presented above, many public actions have much more of a ritual than an instrumental character. I have put forward several examples taken from Polish political life that could be interpreted as instrumental actions, but which were in fact symbolic. They were standardized and formalized actions, giving an impression of how, in the opinion of their organizers, things should be and what the social order should look like, related to the sphere of supreme values, to the sphere of the sacred. They were, then, rituals in the sense given in the introduction to this article. The ritual character of these actions depends not so much on granting a special significance to the instrumental aspects of actions as on providing a substitute for their oo.ginaI instrumental meaning. Two examples, one at the beginning of the article taken from Great Britain and one at the end taken from the Poland of 1981, show that the problem does not have to be communist-inspired All the examples discussed in this article show that explanations for such situations should be sought in attempts to achieve a symbolic reduction of the tension between two sacred concepts of social order, simultaneously declared as untouchable, that are in real life incompatible. We could even speak of an attempt to reduce tension between two cultural systems that are different but exist at the same time in the same country. It is also possible to try to interpret the ritualization of political behaviour within the framework of sociological role theory. Most people play different social roles simultaneously, and in many cases it is impossible to meet the demands of all of them. Several ways of coping with this sort of conflict have been presented (see, for example, Goode 1960, Kahn et al. 1964). To reduce tensions in playing multiple roles, ritualization of a less important but otherwise necessary social role may be suggested as a way of coping with it In dealing with the types of ritualization of collective social behaviour discussed above, I would agree with Malinowski (1931) that the genesis of rituals may be tied to the fact that humans are periodically faced with important tasks or crises where knowledge and skills provide little assurance of success. It would, however, be difficult not to agree with Radcliffe-Brown (1952: 148-9), according to whom: 'if it were not for the existence of the rite and the beliefs associated with
Ritualization. as Substitution. 233 it the individuals would feel no anxiety •.• the psychological effect of the rite is to create in them a sense of insecurity and danger'. This second aspect of the situation has not been dealt with in this essay, but its significance is demonsttated by the examples of attempts to deritualize certain behaviour and to reduce tensioo by total subordination to the dominating political system. RBF'ERENCBS AoUIRRE, B. E. 1984. 'The Conventionalization of Collective Behaviour in Cuba', American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XC, DO. 3, pp. 541-66. BENEDICl', Rum 1949. 'Ritual', in Erwin R. A. Seligman (ed.), International Encyclopedia oftM Social Sciences, Vol. 13, New York: The Macmillan Company, pp. 396-7. BEREZA, STANISLAW 1959. 'Wybory do Dzielnicowej Rady Narodowej Warszawa Ochota w rob 1958' (Local Elections in Warsaw-Ochota in 1958), Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne, Vol. 11, pp. 159-95. BORKOWSKI, TADEUSZ, GRZBOORZ EKIERT, and JANUsZ MUCHA 1986. 'The Poles at the Polls: Voting Attitudes and Behaviour in Cracow dming the Local Elections in 1984', East European Quorterly, Vol. XX, 110. 3, pp. 359-75. BROMHBAD, PIm!R 1974. Britain's Developing Constitution, London: George ADen & Unwin. DURKHEIM, EMILB 1954 [1912]. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Ufe, New York: The Free Press. FIRm, RA YMOND 1972. 'Verbal and Bodily Rituals of Greeting and Parting', in J. S. La Fontaine (00.), The Interpretation of Ritual: Essays in Honour of A. I. Richmds, London: Tavistock. GOODE, WnLIAM J. 1960. 'A Theory of Role Sttain', American Sociological Review, Vol. XXV, no. 2, pp. 483-96. GOODY, JACK 1961. 'Religion and Ritual: The Definitional Problem', British Journal of Sociology, Vol. XII, 110. 1, pp. 143-64. GOSTKOWSKI, ZYMUNT 1961. 'Zainteresowanie wyborami do Rad Narodowych wsrod ludnosci Lodzi w roku 1958' (Attitudes of the Lodz Population to the Local Elections in 1958), Studia Socjologiczne, no. 2, pp. 145-59. KAHN, ROBERT L. et al. 1964. Organizational Stress: Studies in Role Conflict and Ambiguity, New York: John Wiley & Sons. LA FONTAINE, JEAN S. 1972. 'Ritualization of Women's Life Crises in Bugisu', in J. S. La Fontaine (00.), The Interpretation of Ritual: Essays in Honour of A. I. Richmds, London: Tavistock. LANE, CmuSTEL 1981. The Rites of Rulers: Ritual in Industrial Society-The Soviet Case, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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JASO VOL. XXII 1991 No. 1 CONTENTS
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JASO 22/1 (1991): 1 OBITUARY NOTICE
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JASO 22/1 (1991): 3-18 DISORIENTATI
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Disorienlations 5 symbolic parallel
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Disorientations 7 mud and straw. Th
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DisorientOlions 9 junior, though pe
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Disorientations 11 shrine. If anyon
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Disorientations 13 death do us part
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Disorientations 15 otherwise. At Ca
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Disorienlations 17 and the Gulf ext
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JASO 22/1 (1991): 19-39 THE POLITIC
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The Nuer cannot be said to be strat
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Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer 23 has a
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Evans-Pritchmd's The Nuer 25 Taken
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Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer 27 ident
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Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer 29 not s
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Evans·Pritchard's The Nuer 31 as a
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Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer 33 you a
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Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer 35 Evans
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Evans-Pritchmd's The Nuer 37 anthro
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Evans-Pritchard's TIle Nuer 39 FREE
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JASO 22/1 (1991): 41-58 THE FIELDWO
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Fieldwork Photographs of Jenness an
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Fieldwork. Photographs of Jenness a
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Fieldwork Photographs 0/ Jenness an
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Fieldwork Photographs 01 Jenness an
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1)'s0 22/1 (1991): 59-64 DO MAMBILA
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Coclu!rels' Eggs 61 are taken by eg
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Cockerels' Eggs 63 Despite the cave
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JASO 22/1 (1991): 65-73 JOHN HUGH M
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I. H. M. Bealtie 1915·1990 67 them
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I. H. M. Bealtie 1915-1990 69 Leide
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1956a 1956b 1959a 1959b J. H. M. Be
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J. H. M. BEA TTIE AND THE OUAS I. H
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76 Book Reviews black magic to be r
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78 Book Reviews realized the need f
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80 Book Reviews continuing contact,
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82 Book Reviews European hippies in
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84 Book Reviews aspect of the femal
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86 Book Reviews evident that some o
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88 Book Reviews which his Brahman,
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90 Book Reviews of therapeutics. Th
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92 Book Reviews the relationships·
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94 Book Reviews from the 'lowland r
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PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED ARMBD. AKBAR
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98 Publications Received OBBYESKBRB
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Book Reviews continued DAVID M. Gus
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100 Rik Pinxten antluopologist by v
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102 Dirk Verboven techniques (Mauss
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104 Dirk Verboven These general pri
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106 Dirk Verboven 2. Temporality: P
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108 Dirk Verboven expression of the
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110 Dirk Verboven From the late aft
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112 Dirk Verboven 5. Structural Mea
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114 Dirk Verboven A recurrent prope
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116 Dirk Verboven dancer bends his
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THE BRITISH CENTRE FOR DURKHEIMIAN
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120 Rik Pinxten For centuries we co
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122 Rik Pinxten Bourdieu's general
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124 Rik Pinxten 2.2. A praxiologica
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126 Rik Pinxten world, but not in e
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128 Rik Pinxten REPmmNCES BOURDffiU
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130 Pieter Remes dividual and colle
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132 Pieter Remes normally produced
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134 Pieter Remes IdeaUy, one should
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136 Pieter Rernes On another level,
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138 Pieler Remes streets in verbal
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140 Pieter Remes The perfective 'do
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142 Pieter Remes A second function
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144 Pieter Remes In some raps, the
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146 Pieter Rentes a variety of subj
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148 Pieter Remes Jim Browski, 'the
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J ASO is pleased to announce the pu
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152 Karel ArnaUl African culture in
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154 Karel Arnaut Testament iconocla
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156 Karel Arnaut advocated by Volta
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158 Karel Arnaut We have dwelled lo
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160 Karel Arnaut the African in par
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162 Karel Arnaut (idolatry), both a
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164 Karel Arnaut R:BFmmNCES A VEBUR
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JASO 2212 (1991): 167·181 SOME NOT
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Defining Aesthetics 169 realizes, o
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Defining Aesthetics 171 (1973: 23).
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Defining Aesthetics 173 of study. E
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Defining Aesthetics 175 tradition,
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Defining Aesthetics 177 place" and
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Defining Aesthetics 179 DARK, P. J.
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Defining Aesthetics 181 THOMPSON, R
Page 185 and 186: BOOK REVIEWS CA1lJERINB A. Lurz, Un
Page 187 and 188: Book Reviews 185 assumptions that u
Page 189 and 190: Book Reviews 187 portraits of the s
Page 191 and 192: Book Reviews 189 E. van Ossenbrugge
Page 193 and 194: Book Reviews 191 networks and estab
Page 195 and 196: Boole Reviews 193 MARy TAYLOR HUBER
Page 197 and 198: Book Reviews 195 The descriptive es
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Page 201 and 202: JASO 22/3 (1991): 197-200 OBITUARY
Page 203 and 204: Andrew DuJI-Cooper 199 to his death
Page 205 and 206: JASO 23/1 (1992): 201-218 WHIG ETHN
Page 207 and 208: Whig Ethnology 203 certainly Thomas
Page 209 and 210: Whig Ethnology 205 Europe were deci
Page 211 and 212: Whig Ethnology 2CJ7 simplification
Page 213 and 214: Whig Ethnology 209 writings the man
Page 215 and 216: thousand (ibid.: 2C11). Whig Ethnol
Page 217 and 218: Whig Ethnology 213 America, then, a
Page 219 and 220: Whig Ethnology 215 Thus in every po
Page 221 and 222: Whig Ethnology 217 fierce libertari
Page 223 and 224: JASO 22/3 (1991): 219-234 RITUALIZA
Page 225 and 226: Ritualization as Substitution 221 i
Page 227 and 228: Ritualiztltion as Substitution 223
Page 229 and 230: Ritualization as Substitution 225 l
Page 231 and 232: Ritualization as Substitution 227 a
Page 233 and 234: Ritualization as Substitution 229 T
Page 235: RlllUJlizalion os Subslllution 231
Page 239 and 240: JASO 22/2 (1991): 235-244 REVIEW AR
Page 241 and 242: Runciman's Social Theory 237 achiev
Page 243 and 244: Runciman's Social Theory 239 specif
Page 245 and 246: RlIIICiman's Social Theory 241 thro
Page 247 and 248: Runciman's Social Tlu!ory 243 It is
Page 249 and 250: JASO 22/3 (1991): 245-262 DISORIENT
Page 251 and 252: Disorientations 247 working relatio
Page 253 and 254: Disorientations 249 Egyptians' atti
Page 255 and 256: Disorientations 251 they were rich,
Page 257 and 258: Dis~"'Qlions 253 stability. In this
Page 259 and 260: Disorienttllions 255 to have made a
Page 261 and 262: Disorienlations 257 grown up in a c
Page 263 and 264: Disorienllllions 259 produced the m
Page 265 and 266: DisorienlOlions 261 Confronted with
Page 267 and 268: IASO 2'JI3 (1991): 'JB3-'NJ7 OXFORD
Page 269 and 270: Oxford Research in Social Anthropol
Page 271 and 272: Oxford Research in Social Anthropol
Page 273 and 274: BOOK REVIEWS MAURlCB GODBI..IBR and
Page 275 and 276: Book. Reviews 271 the background th
Page 277 and 278: Book Reviews 273 or rereading, whet
Page 279 and 280: Book Reviews 275 that like the gods
Page 281 and 282: Book. Reviews 277 writings; interna
Page 283 and 284: Book RevU!ws 279 cash f(X' quotidia
Page 285 and 286: Book Reviews 281 replete in the lit
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Book Reviews 283 autlos can be forg
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Book Reviews 285 She investigates h
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Book Reviews 287 1bere is much of i
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Book Reviews 289 Sbennan's introduc
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INDEX TO VOLUME xxn (1991) ARTICLES
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Index 10 VD. XXII (1991) 293 TANYA
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