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2.2.2. Human Security – freedom from fear and freedom from want In addition, the ideal-type <strong>thematic</strong> and operational focus of an MSP-DEM often relates to aspects of Human Security, i.e. freedom from fear and freedom from want, in its narrow as well as its wide definition of Human Security (cf. Krause 2007: 4 f.). In doing so, MSP-DEM can actively contribute with their impact on rule-oflaw and participatory-civic engagement activities to promoting or even securing foreign and local socioeconomic investment schemes, which would be hampered in case of legal insecurity, massive corruption, and lack of a minimum transparency and public accountability (cf. Sisk 2001: 146 ff.), all of which can be actively supported by MSP-DEM. Their impact and output could then indirectly materialize in increased working opportunities and higher rates of income, which in turn reduce the likelihood of social unrest and uprising due to a lower level of poverty and unemployment. Moreover, by means of civic or public control of state organs, MSP-DEM can also contribute to increased levels of social trust in newly established state organs by the MSP-DEM’s potential oversight function to benefit a state’s basic legitimacy and credibility (cf. Trutz von Trotha 2000: 260). However, in case of a massive selection of hand-picked elite representative as partners for the MSP- DEM takes place, their potential impact can deviate in form of an increased expert-public knowledge and input gap. Such processes do then decrease the overall legitimacy of a MSP-DEM at stake, and promote its fragility and volatility, with massive negative implications for its further impact on Human Security. Such negative developments are often based on patterns of simplified, distorted and (re-)polarized discourse and socio-political polarization in the respective community, which potentially triggers social crisis (cf. Thomas 2004; Pruitt/Thomas 2006: 157). However, even the contrary development of involving a wide range of “ordinary” citizens may also result in massive disadvantage: i.e. dilution of key issues at stake, the risk of misguided decision-making, an undermined level of coordination and necessary leadership, a politicization or radicalization of communicative or operational processes, etc. (ibid.: 155; Sisk 2001: 170 f.). 2.2.3. Empowerment However, most often, the significance of MSP-DEM for direct empowerment of vulnerable people and communities is rather limited by the central dominant role that public state actors regularly exercise in that area. Empowering civil-society groups can only be hoped for by building capacities that increase the level of their knowledge, skills and input quality; as well as by introducing effective mechanisms for equity, transparency and pluralism in planning and decision-making, or at least significant consultation and effective intake of citizen opinions and voices (cf. Burnell 2007: 174). In general, MSP-DEM are intended to allow for a whole range of empowerment steps by enabling active citizenry and vulnerable groups to voice their concerns and needs, to develop ideas and provide first-hand input and knowledge, to organize themselves 26
and interact with public or international actors, and to contribute to the final implementation of MSP aims and objectives (cf. Beramendi et. al 2008: 130-142). Nevertheless, civic or private stakeholders are rarely invited to present their views in such an effective consultation and co-decision making process. Often limited to formal inquiry or public-opinion screening, the civic or private stakeholder’s role is frequently reduced to make formal submissions, while international or governmental actors set the overall agenda; by the doing of which chances to generate suitable policy options become essentially reduced (cf. Curtain, 2003). In such a case, MSP-DEM finally run the risk of turning into mere “talking shops”, whenever they have been formed for the mere tokenistic purpose of posing a superficial sign of action (cf. Mackie, 2000). The impact of an MSP-DEM on empowerment is, then, rather reduced to serve window-dressing efforts by public state actors and/or their international counterparts. Overall, the list of potential problems of involving civic actors in MSP-DEM is a long one. It can range from a lack of government commitment to allow for essential co-decision-making, to unwillingness of project officials to give up control over project activities and directions; from a lack of incentives and skills among project staff to adopt a participatory approach, to limited capacities of local-level organizations and a general insufficient investment in community capacity-building; from too late consultative processes and intake of local expertise, to mutual mistrust between government and local-level stakeholders, and so on, and so forth (cf. Sisk 2001: 168 f.). 2.2.4. Bibliography Baskin, Mark (2004): Developing Local Democracy in Kosovo. Working <strong>paper</strong>. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Beramendi, V./Ellis, A./Kaufman, B./et al. (2008): Direct Democracy. The International IDEA Handbook. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Burnell, P. (2007): Evaluating Democracy Support. Methods and Experiences. Working <strong>paper</strong>. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Cousens, E. (2001): ‘Introduction’, in ibid./Kumar, C. (eds), Peacebuilding as Politics. Cultivating Peace in Fragile Societies, Boulder/London: Lynne Rienner, pp. 1-20. Curtain, R (2003): What Role for Citizens in Developing and Implementing Public Policy? Canberra Bulletin of Public Administration, 5 June 2003, Part 1. http://www.apprn.org/pdf/Curtain_CitizenEngagementPart1.pdf. Elwert, G. (2002): ‘Intervention in Markets of Violence’. Online article at: www.oei.fuberlin.de/en/projekte/cscca/downloads/ge_pub_marketsofviolence.pdf. 27
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Page 4 and 5: 2. Democracy and Good Governance Pr
Page 6 and 7: 1.7. Annexes ......................
Page 8 and 9: ANNEX: KEY SECONDARY RESEARCH QUEST
Page 10 and 11: promotion, a mixed approach that co
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Page 14 and 15: Democracy presents a general normat
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Page 22 and 23: 2.1.2. Actors The sector of democra
Page 24 and 25: 2.1.6. Bibliography Arnstein, S. (1
Page 28 and 29: Krause, Keith (2007): Towards a Pra
Page 30 and 31: component of effective economic mod
Page 32 and 33: conflict context. This them
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Page 36 and 37: on the democratic and participatory
Page 38 and 39: Democracy and “input” legitimac
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Page 44 and 45: According to the comparative analys
Page 46 and 47: include both the effective and the
Page 48 and 49: promotion narratives presume that s
Page 50 and 51: Cooley, A., & Ron, J. (2002). The N
Page 52 and 53: Van Rooy, A. (Ed.). (1998). Civil S
Page 54 and 55: peacebuilding initiatives aiming at
Page 56 and 57: Yet it is also important to recogni
Page 58 and 59: Certainly, the idea of the rule of
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Page 70 and 71: The World Bank refers to the need t
Page 72 and 73: toward nations with a history of po
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Benedek Wolfgang. The role of educa
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OECD, Paris Declaration on Aid Effe
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4. Approaches and Instruments of Go
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But why is decentralisation so popu
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consolidate the transitional govern
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of areas, the integration of the Se
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Clark 2006:1). However, this strate
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if anything, keeping the level of s
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Tranchant, JP, 2007, Decentralisati
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promises are fulfilled is a highly
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In post-conflict settings, where go
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and dialogue, which is in its turn
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self-disciplined citizens and state
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D. MSP CASE STUDY ANALYSES This cha
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1.1. Introduction to the ASI Case S
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As a result of good ASI co-ordinati
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institution. This is why participat
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also on the basis of good professio
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will from the former Assembly Presi
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willing to come to a training, then
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- division of labour: at this secon
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as someone else coming from the sam
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effective co-ordination requires ti
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1.2.13. Issues downplayed by major
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1.2.15. Analytical conclusions ASI
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changed much. 118 The functioning o
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administration, Slovenes have helpe
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greatest improvement regarding rela
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member of the Mission and not by th
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Assembly were not extremely positiv
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1.7. Annexes 1.7.1. Annex I: List o
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C/ASI/21 Qemajl Senior Researcher a
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conference organized by the East We
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increasingly assuming the profile o
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This case study is not a comprehens
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As each tribe has a government of i
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to the fundamental political confli
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NPO/RRAA, Oxfam, PIN, Relief Intern
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Other informants hint at this possi
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Reasons for joining Different group
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After their successful establishmen
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Partners' priorities Different part
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National FP - International FP rela
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The lack of interest and trust ofte
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The competition with and often inte
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way to: 1) be able to implement NSP
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The National Solidarity Programme w
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usual, are the most influential var
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a joint meeting. Interesting the CD
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strengthen the intermediary role of
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2.4. Assessment of the External Imp
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Local elections of CDCs have a impa
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Among the international donors, the
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There seems to be a sort of time-wa
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NSP C/NSP/16 Zishan Karim World Ban
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Barakat, S. (2008). Understanding A
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Nixon, H. (2008b). Subnational Stat
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Steering Committee is composed of r
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scope National) (North Kivu, South
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consequence of low and irregularly
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(FARDC) with the integration of ele
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donors through different processes
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the international partners then has
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fledged partners. This appears sign
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- While effectively at the core of
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Depending on the agenda of the day,
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sensibly reducing the prevalence of
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harmonise the fees paid to implemen
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udget. In a situation where donors
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streamline procedures, exchange inf
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g. Department h. Programme i. Title
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2.8. 2.9. 3. PART 3 - FORMATION, EV
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5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 5.6. 6. PART 6.
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Clement, C (2009). Security Sector
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Prunier, G (2009). Africa’s World
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- on the contrary. In the case of R
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However, the case study of REJUSCO
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MSP-DEM has been very limited. The
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overall stake in the decision makin
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The example of ASI also shows that
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ANNEX: KEY SECONDARY RESEARCH QUEST
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SRQ regarding the significance and
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SRQ regarding the vulnerabilities o
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