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Oil Supply Routes in the Asia Pacific: China's Strategic Calculations

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ORF Occasional Paper<br />

countries like Pakistan, Myanmar and even <strong>the</strong> Maldives, seems to be based<br />

on geopolitical and strategic considerations of a wider spectrum. The<br />

criticisms of Ch<strong>in</strong>a's diversification policy have failed to address <strong>the</strong> deep<br />

rooted relationship between Ch<strong>in</strong>a's energy security concerns and <strong>the</strong><br />

country's political economy.<br />

<strong>Strategic</strong>ally, secur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> route along <strong>the</strong> Indian Ocean and South Ch<strong>in</strong>a<br />

Sea, also serves <strong>the</strong> motive of assert<strong>in</strong>g military dom<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region.<br />

The heavy naval military deployments act as counterpo<strong>in</strong>ts to o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

maritime forces <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region (eg. Indian and US fleets). Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Ch<strong>in</strong>a<br />

has <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past few decades relied heavily upon a model of government<br />

spend<strong>in</strong>g (especially on <strong>in</strong>frastructure) to drive economic growth. Today,<br />

when Ch<strong>in</strong>a faces military adversaries, especially with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Asia</strong> <strong>Pacific</strong><br />

region, it is rapidly expand<strong>in</strong>g its naval fleet. There is quite strong economic<br />

and strategic logic <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g to make new avenues for<br />

government spend<strong>in</strong>g to stimulate economic growth.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction, we stated that Ch<strong>in</strong>a's stated security imperatives <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Asia</strong> <strong>Pacific</strong>—often highlight<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> vulnerabilities along <strong>the</strong> chokepo<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>in</strong><br />

its oil supply route from <strong>the</strong> Persian Gulf—are aimed at a specific mass<br />

audience. This <strong>in</strong>ternational audience is given to understand that Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />

policymakers genu<strong>in</strong>ely believe pipel<strong>in</strong>es are real long term alternatives to<br />

shipp<strong>in</strong>g. However, we feel that policymakers <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a are play<strong>in</strong>g a well<br />

orchestrated strategic game—and fulfill<strong>in</strong>g dual objectives while pursu<strong>in</strong>g<br />

non cost effective pipel<strong>in</strong>e projects. These objectives—<strong>the</strong> build up of<br />

maritime/military <strong>in</strong>frastructure <strong>in</strong> order to balance military forces <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Asia</strong>-<strong>Pacific</strong> region, and <strong>the</strong> use of discretionary government expenditure to<br />

support <strong>the</strong> economy—are largely be<strong>in</strong>g fulfilled by <strong>the</strong> strategy <strong>in</strong> place.<br />

The economic, social and overall policy susta<strong>in</strong>ability of <strong>the</strong> approach <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

long term presents avenues for fur<strong>the</strong>r research.<br />

18<br />

www.orfonl<strong>in</strong>e.org

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