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Elegantes Telefax - JAV der TUB - TU Berlin

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25<br />

major problems. The internal assessments were to a large extent the results of the<br />

work of the Environment Department, created in 1987.<br />

Last, but not least, there was the criticism of individual projects in the water sector,<br />

mainly those involving larger dams, especially the report of the Morse Commission<br />

investigating at the request of the Board of Directors the compliance of the Bank with<br />

its own policies with respect to the Narmada dam in India (Morse and Berger 1992).<br />

The negative assessment of the compliance and the recommendation of the Commission<br />

to the Bank to withdraw support finally resulted in the cancellation of the<br />

World Bank funding by the Indian government. As one consequence, the Bank’s<br />

management initiated a larger internal review process at the end of 1992 to survey<br />

the compliance with resettlement policies comprehensively which was un<strong>der</strong>taken by<br />

a task force led by the environment department and included not only a review of<br />

staff reports, but consistent documentation of the resettlement portfolio and review of<br />

the numbers of displaced persons (Fox 2000; World Bank 1996a).<br />

The process to formulate a water policy took place earlier and had consi<strong>der</strong>ably<br />

lower visibility. Officially, the process was announced in early 1991, but Moore and<br />

Sklar in their account attribute the beginning of the policy formulation to a year earlier<br />

in 1990 (Moore and Sklar 2000, 354). The process was largely conceived as an internal<br />

process, led by a team from the Agriculture and Rural Development Department.<br />

The consultative process of Bank staff started with representatives from borrowing<br />

governments and the NGOs, restricted to one workshop in July 1991 (Moore<br />

and Sklar 2000). Two of the major US anti-dam NGOs organized a protest mailing<br />

which caused a new workshop in 1992 at which the NGOs demanded a policy with<br />

binding guidelines, based on a set of objectives which centered on giving priority to<br />

alternatives to large–scale projects, to the restoration of rivers and relying on public<br />

participation. After an initial search for a common ground, the process of consultation<br />

stopped, presumably due to internal differences within the Bank. The NGOs relocated<br />

their efforts to the US Congress and executive directors. After two reviews of<br />

drafts by the Board, the final draft was approved in May 1993 and released in September.<br />

The policy change in the final Policy Paper Water Resources Management is<br />

mostly conceptual, adopting the Dublin principles and linking it to the Bank’s 1992<br />

World Development Report which mainstreamed environment among the nonenvironmental<br />

economists in the Bank (Wade 1997, 712). It combines the call for a<br />

comprehensive framework, especially on a river basin level and its institutional reform<br />

with a broadening of the options in the water using sectors from the traditional<br />

supply augmentation to efficient service delivery and demand side options and includes<br />

a higher priority for environmental objectives without calling it IWRM (World

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