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heidegger's being and time and national socialism - Philosophy ...

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third one has been counted as truth <strong>and</strong> the more<br />

primary ones have been covered up. 74<br />

In sum, in the discussion of each existential in<br />

Division One of Being <strong>and</strong> Time Heidegger characterizes<br />

modern life <strong>and</strong> modern philosophy as a<br />

double forgetting, as a formation that is derivative<br />

<strong>and</strong> that covers up its relation to its origin <strong>and</strong><br />

claims to st<strong>and</strong> on its own feet. The mode of underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

other Dasein practiced by the modern<br />

individual covers up a primary underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

without which it would not be possible, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

modern philosophers interpret everything in<br />

terms of substances <strong>and</strong> cover up the dimension<br />

of the world. In addition, in the discussion of the<br />

They as well as in the one of truth, the last section<br />

in Division One, Heidegger indicates that the origin<br />

was present <strong>and</strong> acknowledged in the past. 75<br />

These two features are the first part of the structure<br />

of temporalized metaphysics <strong>and</strong> in Division<br />

Two of Being <strong>and</strong> Time Heidegger enacts the second<br />

part, the return of the origin. Already in the<br />

section on the They Heidegger emphasizes—<br />

without giving examples but often in a pretty derogatory<br />

tone—that the They <strong>and</strong> fallen Dasein<br />

cover up new possibilities. 76 These sentences<br />

already address the issue of the return of the<br />

origin.<br />

Death, Conscience, <strong>and</strong> Temporality<br />

in Division Two of Being <strong>and</strong> Time<br />

For liberals <strong>and</strong> social democrats, there was<br />

no divergence between the “real” logic of history<br />

<strong>and</strong> the individuals’ underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the working<br />

of history, <strong>and</strong> the individuals assumed that<br />

their political activities—the promotion of liberalism<br />

or social democracy—were in line with the<br />

forward flow of history itself. By contrast,<br />

rightists <strong>and</strong> communists assumed that in the<br />

kairos, in the decisive moment, it became patent<br />

that the “real” logic of history—its main actor<br />

<strong>and</strong> its temporality—differed from what the liberal<br />

<strong>and</strong> social democratic followers of progress<br />

had thought about it. From that moment on, the<br />

“intention” of history has to be realized by the<br />

“proxy” of history against the resistance of liberals<br />

<strong>and</strong> social democrats (<strong>and</strong> communists or<br />

rightists, respectively). 77 As was already said,<br />

PHILOSOPHY TODAY<br />

262<br />

rightists <strong>and</strong> communists turned in opposite directions,<br />

communists—like the social democrats<br />

but with different means <strong>and</strong> toward an end further<br />

down the road—toward a new society while<br />

rightists re-realized in the name of destiny a past<br />

community that had been pushed aside by society.<br />

According to Scheler, there is the level of our<br />

explicit <strong>and</strong> conscious ethical norms <strong>and</strong> judgments,<br />

B, <strong>and</strong> below it the fundamental <strong>and</strong> primary<br />

level of our, often unconscious, ethical feelings,<br />

A. After its establishment, the ethics of<br />

liberalism or society on level B had been supported<br />

for some <strong>time</strong> by the corresponding feelings<br />

on level A. However, at some point destiny<br />

begins to be active. Already before it openly enters<br />

the stage of history <strong>and</strong> delivers its comm<strong>and</strong>,<br />

it spreads new feelings on level A <strong>and</strong> on<br />

level A renews the ethos of community. From<br />

that point on, people sense more <strong>and</strong> more that<br />

there is something new in the air, <strong>and</strong> the ethics of<br />

liberalism <strong>and</strong> social democracy become beleaguered.<br />

Liberals <strong>and</strong> social democrats try to<br />

ignore <strong>and</strong> suppress the new, but they will finally<br />

be washed away when the ethics of community<br />

will reestablish itself also on level B. 78<br />

Heidegger’s theory of a double forgetting at<br />

work in modern philosophy <strong>and</strong> society corresponds<br />

to the theories of Scheler before his turn<br />

<strong>and</strong> Lukács regarding the discrepancy between<br />

the assumptions about history <strong>and</strong> its “real”<br />

logic. When destiny raises its voice, Dasein recognizes,<br />

as in Scheler but not in Lukács, destiny<br />

<strong>and</strong> community as the main players, <strong>and</strong> Dasein<br />

also recognizes that its narrative of progress <strong>and</strong><br />

autonomy falsifies the loss of community as an<br />

improvement. In his theory of the modes of solicitude,<br />

Heidegger disapproves of liberalism <strong>and</strong><br />

social democracy, <strong>and</strong> moves to the right <strong>and</strong> not<br />

to the extreme left. With his statements, just mentioned,<br />

about inauthentic Dasein suppressing<br />

new possibilities Heidegger repeats Scheler. In<br />

Division Two, Heidegger treats the way out of<br />

fallenness—the issue of authenticity—<strong>and</strong> the<br />

temporal interpretation of the existentials. I present<br />

the notions of death, conscience, <strong>and</strong> the temporal<br />

interpretation of the existentials before returning,<br />

in the next section, to §74 for a summary<br />

of my interpretation of its decisive sentences.

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