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THE POLITICAL USE OF THE BIBLE IN EARLY MODERN BRITAIN:<br />

Taxonomy of Early Modern Protestant and Puritan Methodologies<br />

Early modern British political theorists, typically<br />

Protestants (including Puritans and Anglicans),<br />

employed different hermeneutical methods, and even<br />

different ‘languages,’ or terms from their non-Christian<br />

counterparts, by which to convey their political ideas<br />

and models. These interpretive methodologies, with<br />

their separate languages, can be teased out, in part, by<br />

examining the relationship between their political<br />

reading of the Bible and political use (or refusal to use)<br />

of non-biblical or ‘pagan’ writers, especially the classical<br />

authors. Scripture was not necessarily quoted alongside<br />

the classics as decorative window dressing to render a<br />

political model more acceptable to a biblically literate<br />

audience. Some writers were convinced that it was<br />

hermeneutically acceptable to include classical authors<br />

because all truth, even political truth discerned by a<br />

pagan, is God’s truth, and able to confirm scriptural<br />

concepts.<br />

J.P. Sommerville in his Royalists and Patriots: Politics and<br />

Ideology in England 1603-1640 (1999), identifies the<br />

language of the “law of nature” as incorporating not just<br />

a rational enlightened concept, but identified with<br />

“God’s law since it consisted of a set of instructions<br />

which God had imprinted in human nature at the<br />

Creation.” 11 An author cannot be tagged as a classical or<br />

Aristotelian thinker simply because he employs “law of<br />

nature” language, nor, for that matter, identified solely<br />

as a “classical republican.”<br />

It might be supposed that the Protestant<br />

emphasis on the corruption of human nature<br />

would have led to a rejection of natural law. In<br />

fact, Protestants believed that corruption had<br />

not entirely obliterated people’s ability to<br />

distinguish between good and evil. The<br />

doctrine of natural law was held to be<br />

compatible with a Calvinist theology of grace. .<br />

. . Human nature was totally corrupted in the<br />

sense that on their own people could do<br />

nothing to achieve salvation. Yet nature was<br />

not so corrupt that pagans, lacking grace, were<br />

wholly blind to God’s laws. 12<br />

The historiography of natural law and law of nature<br />

theories is interestingly immense, and largely outside<br />

the scope of this work. Nevertheless, there exists a<br />

Protestant approach to the law of nature argument that<br />

simply cannot be neatly confined to classical categories.<br />

One Republican representative examined here is John<br />

Milton (1608-1674), though often considered only for<br />

his poetry, wrote an impressive quantity of political<br />

prose in both English and Latin, 13 which includes a very<br />

liberal use of classical Greek and Roman authors. Since<br />

Milton employs classical authors politically, he is<br />

typically categorised as a classical republican, despite his<br />

simultaneous and consistent engagement with the<br />

Scriptures for political purposes. Milton even wrote his<br />

own theological treatise in Latin titled De Doctrina<br />

Christiana (1655-1674). A careful reading of Milton<br />

indicates that he even utilised the law of nature<br />

argument outside the Aristotelian tradition, believing<br />

that despite the Fall, all men were created in God’s<br />

image, and could still understand truth. This view<br />

assists us in understanding his use of classical texts<br />

alongside biblical ones. Milton’s Areopagitica (1644) not<br />

only testifies to liberty of conscience in publishing and<br />

reading, but represents a dress rehearsal for the<br />

appropriate literary use of classical authors from a<br />

biblical perspective.<br />

Another political thinker who typically employed the<br />

classics in tandem with the Scriptures was James<br />

Harrington (1611-1677), but for different reasons than<br />

Milton. Harrington, considered one of the greatest early<br />

modern republican thinkers, marshalled the most<br />

significant segments of the Hebrew polity into his<br />

republican theory, even using it paradigmatically.<br />

Unfortunately, such use is often neglected by scholars<br />

determined to read only his employment of classical<br />

texts, and especially Machiavelli. Suffice to say, the<br />

writings of Harrington and Milton, along with others<br />

mentioned throughout this work, lead us to conclude<br />

that the early modern period also consisted of the<br />

language of biblical republicanism, with its various<br />

vocabularies, concepts and constructs. In this regard,<br />

some early moderns wrote their politics out of Israel as<br />

if it were the paradigm, or divine template of political<br />

revelation, Harrington being the leading political<br />

thinker in this regard.<br />

Various aspects of biblical republicanism and the<br />

manner in which the Bible was read politically, turned<br />

on schemes of classification which include or question<br />

the use of classical authors alongside biblical ones;<br />

schemes such as those which adopted various<br />

combinations of the relationship between Nature and<br />

Grace, or incorporated aspects of Christian humanism.<br />

Still others emphasised the use of Jewish and rabbinical<br />

political thought.<br />

11<br />

J.P. Sommerville, Royalists and Patriots: Politics and Ideology in<br />

England 1603-1640, 2d ed. (London: Longman, 1999), 14.<br />

12<br />

Ibid., 17.<br />

13<br />

Complete Prose Works of John Milton, 8 vols., ed. D. M. Wolfe<br />

(New Haven, CN: Yale University Press), 1953-1982.<br />

6

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