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THE POLITICAL USE OF THE BIBLE IN EARLY MODERN BRITAIN:<br />

the Law, as its “substance . . . love of God and of our<br />

neighbour, should not, . . . be thought of as destroyed.”<br />

Rather, “only the written surface has been changed,” as<br />

the “law is now inscribed on believers’ hearts by the<br />

spirit,” which is outside the province of the<br />

magistrate. 168 The Gospel’s pre-eminence rendered the<br />

Judicials irrelevant as to the enforcement of the “letter,”<br />

while the internal enforcement of its substance was now<br />

a matter of conscience and liberty. “The law of slavery”<br />

has “been abrogated through the gospel,” and “the<br />

result is Christian Liberty.” 169 The primacy of the<br />

Gospel over the Judicials, with its political implications<br />

of “Christian liberty,” required the restriction of civil<br />

power in religious affairs.<br />

Limited Authority of Kings, Popular<br />

Sovereignty and Supremacy of a<br />

Commonwealth — Deuteronomy 17:4-20<br />

Milton’s understanding of the Gospel’s liberty<br />

requirements represents a biblical anchor from which<br />

he directs political contrasts between the liberty of<br />

commonwealths and the slavery of monarchies. His<br />

republican reading of Deuteronomy 17:4-20<br />

contradicted the standard royalist ones. Where he<br />

inferred the limitation and legal accountability of kings,<br />

Royalists reasoned a monarchy as responsible to God<br />

alone. Milton claims the Deuteronomy passage<br />

“confirme us that the right of choosing, yea of changing<br />

thir own Government is by the grant of God himself in<br />

the People.” 170 Royalists did not assume it<br />

communicated any such right of choice regarding<br />

government.<br />

Milton’s civil-liberty theme targeted civil-slavery, which<br />

he commonly associated with monarchy. He forcefully<br />

frames counter-arguments against absolute kingship in<br />

favour of popular sovereignty in Pro populo anglicano<br />

defensio (1651) where he attacks the Royalist Salmasius’<br />

assertion that a king alone is absolute, supreme, above<br />

the law, and accountable only to God. 171 Milton<br />

confidently rested his case in Deuteronomy 17:14,<br />

which bore tremendous political weight because “God<br />

himself” spoke. Though originally directed to the<br />

Hebrews, Milton read this text to mean “that all<br />

Nations are at liberty to erect what form of Government<br />

they will amongst themselves, and to change it when,<br />

and into what they will.” 172 Though God providentially<br />

intervened within the civil affairs of the Hebrews,<br />

Milton claimed that such interposition was unique to<br />

them. 173 God ordains the nature of lawful civil authority<br />

and power while leaving the nations at liberty to decide<br />

their institutional forms. Milton is not dismissing the<br />

Jewish Polity wholesale. Rather, he is simply<br />

highlighting God’s unique political relationship with<br />

Israel, the liberty of civil choice, and the connection<br />

between institutional forms and the moral capacities of<br />

nations. 174<br />

Milton extended the political usefulness of<br />

Deuteronomy 17 beyond popular choice of government<br />

to include the superiority of a commonwealth form<br />

generally. “A Commonwealth is a more perfect form of<br />

Government than a Monarchy, and more suitable to the<br />

condition of Mankind; and in the opinion of God<br />

himself, better for his own people; for himself<br />

appointed it.” God reluctantly permitted the Hebrews<br />

to alter this divine form to a monarchy only after He<br />

was “prevail’d” upon, “and at their own importunate<br />

desire.” God’s response extended a political choice “to<br />

be Govern’d by a single person, or by more.” 175 Milton<br />

posits that “the Gospel . . . that Heavenly Promulgation,<br />

as it were, of Christian Liberty,” does not “reduce us to<br />

a condition of Slavery to Kings and Tyrants,” 176 or to<br />

the clergy for that matter. “Unlimited power,” whether<br />

“in Temporal things,” or “Ecclesiastical” are equally<br />

subversive to liberty. God is just as concerned for “Civil<br />

affairs” as he is ecclesiastical ones, and therefore, “he<br />

would have the same reformation made in the<br />

Commonwealth, that he would have made in the<br />

Church.” Moreover, “God has not so modelled the<br />

Government of the World” to require “any Civil<br />

Community to submit to the Cruelties of Tyrants,”<br />

while leaving the “Church at liberty to free themselves<br />

from Slavery and Tyranny.” 177<br />

Hebrew Commonwealth: A Divinely<br />

Ordained Model for a Reformed<br />

Commonwealth — 1 Samuel 8:1-22<br />

Milton read Israel’s request for a king in 1 Samuel 8 as<br />

signalling their abandonment of a divinely ordained<br />

commonwealth and rejection of God as their supreme<br />

sovereign. By illustrating the disastrous civil choice of<br />

Israel, Milton claimed God was summoning England<br />

168<br />

Milton, De Doctrina, CPW, vol. 6, 532.<br />

169<br />

Ibid., 536-537.<br />

170<br />

Milton, The tenure of kings and magistrates, 15.<br />

171<br />

Milton, Pro populo anglicano defensio (London, 1651) is part of<br />

Milton’s Latin prose corpus, and this quote is from the 1695<br />

English translation A defence of the people of England, 15. I am<br />

employing this translation throughout.<br />

172<br />

Ibid., 18.<br />

173<br />

Ibid., 65.<br />

174<br />

Ibid., 75-76.<br />

175<br />

Ibid., 18.<br />

176<br />

Ibid., 52.<br />

177<br />

Ibid., 84-85.<br />

32

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