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Report Template - Jubilee Centre

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Foreword by Professor John Coffey<br />

In the final decades of the twentieth century, the<br />

relationship between religion and politics became a<br />

hotly contested issue. With hindsight, two events in<br />

1979 seem pivotal. The Islamic Revolution in Iran<br />

coincided with the foundation of the Moral Majority in<br />

the United States. The Ayatollah Khomeini and the<br />

Reverend Jerry Falwell were an unlikely pairing, but<br />

they became conflated in liberal discourse, as<br />

intellectuals reacted with alarm to what a leading<br />

French writer called ‘the revenge of God’. 1 Many<br />

lamented that the secular foundations of modern<br />

politics were being undermined. The American<br />

Religious Right and Islamic militancy were part of a<br />

larger phenomenon of ‘fundamentalism’ or ‘religious<br />

nationalism’. Others suggested that these conservative<br />

movements were reacting against the aggressive<br />

secularism of the modern West, which posed a threat to<br />

traditional religious values and sought to banish all<br />

reference to God from public life. In America and<br />

Europe, there was talk of ‘culture wars’. Globally, some<br />

spoke of ‘the clash of civilisations’.<br />

But the ‘return of religion’ was not confined to the<br />

realm of politics or popular piety. The final decades of<br />

the twentieth century also witnessed a resurgence of<br />

serious religious thought. The Society of Christian<br />

Philosophers spearheaded a revival of Christian<br />

analytical philosophy. Leading Anglophone<br />

philosophers like Alvin Plantinga, Alasdair Macintyre<br />

and Charles Taylor subjected secular thought to<br />

searching analysis and critique and defended the<br />

rationality and cogency of religious belief. In the<br />

continental tradition, Christian thinkers like Paul<br />

Ricoeur and Jean-Luc Marion instigated a religious turn<br />

in French philosophy. Historians of ideas were<br />

increasingly alert to the theistic foundations and<br />

scriptural sources of early modern thought. Among<br />

literary scholars, there was renewed attention to the<br />

theological concerns of canonical writers and a growing<br />

interest in the reception history of the Bible. Biblical<br />

scholars became attentive to the political message of the<br />

Exodus, the Mosaic Law and the <strong>Jubilee</strong>, the Prophets,<br />

Wisdom Literature, the Gospels, the Epistles and the<br />

Book of Revelation. 2 There was lively debate about the<br />

anti-imperial credentials of the New Testament. Among<br />

theologians, the work of Jürgen Moltmann and Gustavo<br />

1<br />

Gilles Kepel, The Revenge of God: The Resurgence of Islam,<br />

Christianity and Judaism in the Modern World (Cambridge: Polity<br />

Press, 1994).<br />

2<br />

Richard Bauckham, The Bible in Politics: How to Read the Bible<br />

Politically (London: SPCK, second edition 2011).<br />

Gutierrez confirmed the emergence of political theology<br />

as a major field of thought. Both drew creatively on<br />

earlier thinkers – Moltmann on Calvinist resistance<br />

theorists, Gutierrez on Bartolome Las Casas. In Britain,<br />

the Anglican theologians, Oliver and Joan O’Donovan,<br />

compiled A Sourcebook in Christian Political Thought, with<br />

readings ranging from Irenaeus to Grotius. 3<br />

Gai Ferdon’s study picks up where the O’Donovans left<br />

off, in 1625. This was the year in which Charles I<br />

ascended to the throne. His reign would end in Civil<br />

War and Regicide – in 1649 he was beheaded in front<br />

of his own palace at Whitehall. What makes the period<br />

intriguing from the viewpoint of political theology is<br />

that this was a religious crisis. Charles’ attempt to<br />

realign the English Church, moving it away from the<br />

continental Reformed churches, sparked fears of a<br />

‘counter-Reformation’. Thousands of nonconformist<br />

Puritans migrated to new colonies in New England, and<br />

the Scots rose up in rebellion against a ‘popish’ Prayer<br />

Book. Charles was forced to recall the English<br />

Parliament in 1640. The next two decades witnessed an<br />

extraordinary intellectual ferment as contemporaries<br />

debated fundamental issues of allegiance and resistance,<br />

liberty and authority. In addressing these questions,<br />

they turned to the Greco-Roman classics, the English<br />

constitution and natural law theory. But they also<br />

turned to the Bible, offering a series of competing<br />

accounts of the principles of Scripture politics.<br />

The Harvard historian, Eric Nelson, has recently argued<br />

that this was ‘the Biblical Century’ in the history of<br />

political thought. Christian scholars across Protestant<br />

Europe produced an entire genre of works on the<br />

Hebrew republic, drawing on the insights of rabbinic<br />

scholarship. 4 Gai Ferdon confirms the importance of<br />

the Old Testament to Protestants, but she also shows<br />

how contemporaries appealed to New Testament<br />

teaching on power and obedience. She introduces us to<br />

four political groupings that represent a broad spectrum<br />

of English political opinion in the mid-seventeenth<br />

century: Royalists, Republicans, Fifth Monarchists and<br />

Levellers. Her paper grows out of PhD research at the<br />

University of Leicester, which I had the pleasure to<br />

supervise. Presented in this format her work combines<br />

3<br />

Oliver and Joan O’Donovan, eds, From Irenaeus to Grotius: A<br />

Sourcebook of Christian Political Thought, 100-1625 (Grand Rapids:<br />

Wm Eerdmans, 1999).<br />

4<br />

Eric Nelson, The Hebrew Republic: Jewish Sources and the<br />

Transformation of European Political Thought (Cambridge, MA:<br />

Harvard University Press, 2010).<br />

iii

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