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THE POLITICAL USE OF THE BIBLE IN EARLY MODERN BRITAIN:<br />

more and more to conform our hearts to a<br />

willing and sincere obedience thereunto. 297<br />

They also assert a Christian obligation toward advancing<br />

a community-oriented good, a public work which<br />

corresponds with the “Laws of Nature,” with<br />

Christianity’s emphasis upon rendering service to<br />

others, and of “Public Society and Government.” Their<br />

foundation is a biblical theology of equality of<br />

responsibility in service to others rendered within a<br />

spirit of doing to others as you would have them do<br />

unto you—the ‘golden rule’ of relationships reiterated by<br />

Matthew in 7:12: “So in everything, do to others what<br />

you would have them do to you, for this sums up the<br />

Law and the Prophets.” This text supplied them, in part,<br />

with a moral sense of duty towards one’s neighbour and<br />

community which extended to the political good of the<br />

commonwealth. The Levellers clearly considered<br />

themselves Disciples of Christ who battled similar<br />

“Powers and Principalities,” and endured comparable<br />

contempt; they were simply attempting to mediate the<br />

creation of a commonwealth for the sake of “Freedom<br />

and good to the Nation.”<br />

Since no man is born for himself only, but<br />

obliged by the Laws of Nature (which reaches<br />

all) of Christianity (which ingages us as<br />

Christians), and of Publick Societie and<br />

Government, to employ our endeavours for<br />

the advancement of a communitive Happiness,<br />

of equall concernment to others as our selves;<br />

here have we (according to that measure of<br />

understanding God hath dispensed unto us)<br />

laboured with much weaknesse indeed, but<br />

with integrity of heart, to produce out of the<br />

Common Calamities, such a proportion of<br />

Freedom and good to the Nation, as might<br />

somewhat compensate its many grievances and<br />

lasting sufferings: And although in doing<br />

thereof we have hitherto reaped only<br />

Reproach, and hatred for our good Will, and<br />

been faine to wrestle with the violent passions<br />

of Powers and Principalities; yet since it is<br />

nothing so much as our Blessed Master and<br />

his Followers suffered before us, and but what<br />

at first we reckoned upon, we cannot be<br />

thereby any whit dismayed in the performance<br />

of our duties, supported inwardly by the<br />

Innocency and evenness of our<br />

Consciences. 298<br />

The Levellers did not believe any substantive<br />

constitutional alterations were accomplished despite the<br />

transition from a “Monarchy . . . into a Republike.” The<br />

same “Burdens, Grievances, and Bondages” continued<br />

297<br />

Ibid.<br />

298<br />

Ibid., 3.<br />

because such changes were only “Notional, Nominall,<br />

Circumstantiall.” They again emphasised “Common<br />

Duty” as opposed to private introspection and private<br />

devotion to “particular callings and employments”; such<br />

an individualist approach is unsuitable for settling the<br />

kingdom. They modelled this admonition by laying<br />

down their lives for their neighbour on behalf of a cause<br />

greater than their own personal pursuits. They<br />

vindicated themselves against the notion that they<br />

“would Levell all men’s estates,” that they disregarded<br />

all “distinction of Orders and Dignities amongst men,”<br />

that they were against “government,” but for “a Popular<br />

confusion,” that they were “Agents for the King and<br />

now for the Queen,” or “Atheists, Antiscripturists,<br />

Jesuits and indeed anthing, that is hatefull and of evill<br />

repute amongst men.” 299 It would not be too strained to<br />

suggest they considered themselves true patriots of their<br />

country, and their admonition the essence of<br />

citizenship.<br />

One of the first formal protestations of Leveller political<br />

thought subsequent to their publication of Manifestation<br />

was Walwyn’s wiles, or the manifestators manifested, . . .<br />

declaring the subtle and crafty wiles, the atheistical,<br />

blasphemous soul-murder principles and practices of Mr.<br />

William Walwyn. . . (April 23, 1649). Though attributed<br />

to John Price, the Dedicatory concludes with the<br />

signatures of six Baptist and Independent Ministers.<br />

Walwyn is specifically targeted for his apparent<br />

secularism and supposed subversion of core Christian<br />

doctrines; for attempting to “raze the very Foundation,<br />

and lay his Ax at the very root of Religion,” which<br />

includes dishonouring the “authority of the holy<br />

Scriptures.” 300 Thomas Prince, one of Walwyn’s “fellow-<br />

Sufferers,” fired back from the Tower on June 20 with<br />

The silken independents snare broken. He referred to<br />

himself and his captive colleagues as “reall-hearted<br />

Christians” who were “scandalized and abused by men<br />

that took upon them a meer form of godliness . . .<br />

having no power thereof in their lives and conversations.”<br />

Prince defines “Religion” as a lifestyle of expressions of<br />

good works, and even equates such efforts with settling<br />

“the Nation in Peace,” a practical characteristic or<br />

working out of Christianity Leveller opponents seemed<br />

to neglect, fail to embrace, or understand.<br />

You follow the steps of your Fore-Fathers, who<br />

made, as you do, great shows of Religion; the<br />

former Factions in our dais did the same; so it<br />

was in the dais of Christ and his Apostles, and<br />

from age to age, men that would neither do<br />

good, nor suffer others; we find it true by you:<br />

299<br />

Ibid., 3-4.<br />

300<br />

[John Price], Walwins Wiles: or The manifestators manifested viz.<br />

Liev. Col. John Lilburn, Mr Will. Walwin, Mr Richard Overton, and<br />

Mr Tho. Prince (London, April 23 1649), 7.<br />

58

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