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CHNN 22, Spring 2008 - School of Social Sciences

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Thesis reports<br />

The Communist Party <strong>of</strong> Great Britain and Anti-Racist<br />

Politics, 1948-1981<br />

This PhD thesis was successfully completed in December 2007 for the Department <strong>of</strong><br />

History at Flinders University, South Australia. A copy has been sent to the Labour<br />

History Archive and Study Centre in Manchester.<br />

T<br />

his thesis examines how the Communist Party <strong>of</strong> Great Britain, as the largest political<br />

organisation to the left <strong>of</strong> the Labour Party and an influential force within the trade unions,<br />

reacted to the arrival <strong>of</strong> immigrants from the Commonwealth in the post-war period, how<br />

anti-racism was incorporated into the party’s wider struggle for socialism and the practical role<br />

that the party occupied within the anti-racist movement in Britain. The scope <strong>of</strong> the thesis begins<br />

with the onset <strong>of</strong> large-scale black immigration, symbolized by the arrival <strong>of</strong> the SS Empire<br />

Windrush with 492 West Indians aboard at Tilbury in June 1948, through what Robert Miles and<br />

Annie Phizacklea described as ‘the racialisation <strong>of</strong> British politics’, 1 ending with the riots across<br />

Britain in the summer <strong>of</strong> 1981, when black and white youth reacted violently towards the<br />

institutions <strong>of</strong> the state under Thatcherism. This time frame corresponds with the shifts in the<br />

Communist Party’s post-war strategy towards parliamentary democracy under The British Road to<br />

<strong>Social</strong>ism and through their ‘Indian Summer’ 2 during the industrial militancy <strong>of</strong> the late 1960s and<br />

early 1970s, before the party suffered internal schisms and declining membership in the early<br />

1980s. The history <strong>of</strong> anti-racism and the Communist Party was the history <strong>of</strong> a potential<br />

squandered, one that had greatly diminished between the 1950s, when many black immigrants<br />

were attracted to the party due to its anti-colonial legacy, and the early 1980s, when the party was<br />

in sharp decline and the black communities were wary <strong>of</strong> labour movement that had for so long<br />

minimised the problems <strong>of</strong> racism that black Britons faced. At the heart <strong>of</strong> the division between the<br />

CPGB and black workers was the belief that racism was borne out <strong>of</strong> capitalism and that measures<br />

taken to combat racism needed to be encompassed into the wider activities <strong>of</strong> the class struggle.<br />

Despite the CPGB declaring that the interests <strong>of</strong> white and black workers were essentially the same,<br />

the party faced major problems in convincing white workers, including the party’s own members,<br />

to be actively involved in the fight against racism, particularly against racial discrimination in the<br />

workplace and amongst the labour movement.<br />

There are several factors that need to be examined in a history <strong>of</strong> the CPGB and anti-racist politics,<br />

which are focused upon in this thesis. It must be remembered that the CPGB was primarily made<br />

up <strong>of</strong> skilled and semi-skilled workers and, more so than other European communist parties, was<br />

significantly representative <strong>of</strong> the nation’s working class. This is important as racism was pervasive<br />

in British society in the post-war period and racist beliefs were abundant in the working class. The<br />

Communist Party, by recruiting workers, could not be immune to some forms <strong>of</strong> racial prejudice<br />

amongst its members, but it is important to analyse how anti-racist sentiment was formed within<br />

the party and what practical effects this had upon anti-racist activities by party members.<br />

Although the party did have an important legacy <strong>of</strong> being involved in anti-colonial and anti-fascist<br />

struggles, many <strong>of</strong> its (primarily white) members had not been involved in this sphere <strong>of</strong> party<br />

activity and during the economic boom <strong>of</strong> the post-war period, were more concerned with the<br />

‘bread and butter’ issues <strong>of</strong> wage militancy and protecting workers’ rights. 3 Although these trade<br />

union issues were extremely important, the problems faced by black workers were <strong>of</strong>ten overlooked<br />

and issues <strong>of</strong> racism were subordinated to the class struggle. The perception <strong>of</strong> racism as a<br />

construct <strong>of</strong> the capitalists to divide the working class and its eradication tied to the ideal <strong>of</strong><br />

socialist revolution meant that combating racism was consistently neglected, not just by the CPGB,<br />

but by most sections <strong>of</strong> the labour movement and the left. The CPGB was willing to make use <strong>of</strong> its<br />

black members, but the focus <strong>of</strong> the party remained upon the issues <strong>of</strong> industrial class politics.<br />

Just as important as the party’s attitude towards ‘race’ and its place within the class struggle was<br />

the practical implications <strong>of</strong> the party’s post-war strategy upon anti-racist activism. Outlined in the<br />

9

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