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The Politics of Gender and Reconstruction in Afghanistan

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THE LEGACIES OF CONFLICT: IS THERE A GENDER SUB-TEXT?<br />

(<strong>and</strong> children’s) vulnerabilities. 18 Rub<strong>in</strong> (2004), for <strong>in</strong>stance, draws attention to the fact that warlords <strong>and</strong> drug<br />

traffickers who keep cultivators <strong>in</strong> debt bondage stimulate the resort to “giv<strong>in</strong>g” their daughters to traffickers as<br />

wives. <strong>The</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> personal <strong>and</strong> community autonomy <strong>in</strong> the context <strong>of</strong> the “comm<strong>and</strong>er system” that enmeshes<br />

clients <strong>in</strong> bonds <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>debtedness <strong>and</strong> dependence also <strong>in</strong>creases vulnerability to abuses <strong>of</strong> various k<strong>in</strong>ds. In<br />

some contexts, heavy veil<strong>in</strong>g by women may itself be a defensive response to predatory parties exercis<strong>in</strong>g droit<br />

de seigneur rather than an expression <strong>of</strong> religion or culture (Wood 2003). Indeed, <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g these patterns as<br />

some unmediated expression <strong>of</strong> local culture only acts to conceal the complex nexus <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fluences that deepen<br />

the vulnerability <strong>of</strong> women <strong>and</strong> girls.<br />

Despite the serious pressures women were subjected to, there is some evidence that women’s solidarity networks<br />

<strong>and</strong> organizations, some <strong>of</strong> which operated cl<strong>and</strong>est<strong>in</strong>ely under the Taliban, acted as a medium <strong>of</strong> both political<br />

resistance <strong>and</strong> empowerment (Povey 2003). Organizations such as the Union <strong>of</strong> Afghan Women, the Women’s<br />

Vocational <strong>and</strong> Tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g Centre <strong>and</strong> the Women’s Association <strong>of</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>, to name but a few, mobilized pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />

women who <strong>of</strong>fered their services as doctors or teachers, <strong>of</strong>fer<strong>in</strong>g literacy classes <strong>and</strong> skills tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g to<br />

numerous girls <strong>and</strong> boys <strong>in</strong> homes turned <strong>in</strong>to cl<strong>and</strong>est<strong>in</strong>e schools. Indeed, Johnson <strong>and</strong> Leslie (2002) po<strong>in</strong>t<br />

out that the war years stimulated the dem<strong>and</strong> for girls’ education, partly due to exposure to school<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> refugee<br />

camps. Some UN agencies <strong>and</strong> NGOs endeavoured to safeguard humanitarian assistance projects target<strong>in</strong>g<br />

women <strong>and</strong> attempted to keep their female staff <strong>in</strong> employment. <strong>The</strong>re was <strong>of</strong>ten a tension, however, between<br />

commitment to women’s rights <strong>and</strong> the delivery <strong>of</strong> humanitarian assistance. 19 Some successful programmes were,<br />

nonetheless, able to operate. For <strong>in</strong>stance, bakeries staffed by women were set up by the World Food Programme<br />

(WFP) to assist widows <strong>and</strong> the poorest women by provid<strong>in</strong>g them with subsidized bread. <strong>The</strong> UN Habitat Community<br />

Fora, which were created through the “Rebuild<strong>in</strong>g Communities <strong>in</strong> Urban <strong>Afghanistan</strong>” project to promote<br />

community <strong>in</strong>itiatives, set up women’s community fora (WCFs) to provide opportunities for <strong>in</strong>come generation<br />

<strong>and</strong> to support women’s community leadership roles. <strong>The</strong> WCFs operated <strong>in</strong> difficult conditions under the<br />

Taliban, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g permanent surveillance <strong>and</strong> a degree <strong>of</strong> cl<strong>and</strong>est<strong>in</strong>ity. However, the fact that there were no<br />

other avenues for women’s pr<strong>of</strong>essional <strong>and</strong> community activities meant that women with high levels <strong>of</strong> education<br />

<strong>and</strong> skill devoted their energies to the fora, which served as tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g grounds for others. Paradoxically, when<br />

the dem<strong>and</strong> for skilled personnel <strong>in</strong>creased after the establishment <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Afghanistan</strong> Transitional Authority<br />

(ATA), the expansion <strong>of</strong> the activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational organizations meant that the best talent was diverted<br />

to higher earn<strong>in</strong>g jobs <strong>in</strong> those organizations, dim<strong>in</strong>ish<strong>in</strong>g the spirit <strong>of</strong> voluntarism that animated many women’s<br />

civil society <strong>in</strong>itiatives.<br />

<strong>The</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> the Taliban was the result <strong>of</strong> Operation Endur<strong>in</strong>g Freedom <strong>in</strong> the wake <strong>of</strong> 11 September 2001,<br />

which targeted the regime’s Al Qaeda backers under the banner <strong>of</strong> the fight aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>in</strong>ternational terrorism. This<br />

operation was carried out by a US-led <strong>in</strong>ternational military coalition complemented by Afghan opposition<br />

factions, many <strong>of</strong> which had been <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the devastat<strong>in</strong>g civil war <strong>of</strong> the early 1990s. <strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational<br />

community <strong>and</strong> the United Nations acted rapidly to br<strong>in</strong>g these factions <strong>and</strong> the political leadership <strong>in</strong> the<br />

Afghan diaspora together to agree to <strong>in</strong>terim power-shar<strong>in</strong>g arrangements that led to the Bonn Agreement <strong>of</strong><br />

December 2001.<br />

18 A recent study by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) shows that there is a grow<strong>in</strong>g human traffick<strong>in</strong>g problem <strong>in</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>, with victims<br />

drawn from among the destitute, the displaced <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>debted. Young rural women (<strong>and</strong> children) are subjected to forced prostitution, forced<br />

labour <strong>and</strong> practices ak<strong>in</strong> to slavery (abduction <strong>and</strong> forced marriage, exchange <strong>of</strong> women to settle disputes, or marriage <strong>in</strong> exchange for debt repayment)<br />

(IOM 2003).<br />

19 Agencies like the World Food Programme (WFP) issued directives that at least half the beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> food-for-work projects had to be women; this<br />

resulted <strong>in</strong> a significant reduction <strong>in</strong> the food aid made available even to women. Some agencies discont<strong>in</strong>ued their programmes altogether. Others<br />

adopted a more accommodat<strong>in</strong>g approach, negotiat<strong>in</strong>g concessions with respect to the employment <strong>of</strong> women (with 5,874 female personnel <strong>in</strong> the<br />

<strong>in</strong>ternational assistance community).<br />

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