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The Politics of Gender and Reconstruction in Afghanistan

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OPGP 4 – THE POLITICS OF GENDER AND RECONSTRUCTION IN AFGHANISTAN<br />

summary<br />

résumé<br />

resumen<br />

SUMMARY<br />

<strong>The</strong> central objective <strong>of</strong> this paper is to put the discussion <strong>of</strong> women’s rights <strong>in</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong> <strong>in</strong> the context <strong>of</strong> the<br />

multiple transitions entailed by the process <strong>of</strong> post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to<br />

peace), a political transition (to the formation <strong>of</strong> a legitimate <strong>and</strong> effective state) <strong>and</strong> a socioeconomic transition<br />

(from a “conflict” economy to susta<strong>in</strong>able growth). <strong>The</strong>se transformations do not occur <strong>in</strong> a social vacuum<br />

but build upon exist<strong>in</strong>g societal arrangements that condition <strong>and</strong> limit the range <strong>of</strong> available opportunities.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first section contextualizes current attempts at secur<strong>in</strong>g women’s rights <strong>in</strong> the troubled history <strong>of</strong> state-build<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>and</strong> state-society relations <strong>in</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>. <strong>The</strong> latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered<br />

by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, <strong>and</strong> a rural h<strong>in</strong>terl<strong>and</strong> that<br />

both resisted the <strong>in</strong>cursions <strong>of</strong> the state <strong>and</strong> attempted to represent tribal <strong>in</strong>terests with<strong>in</strong> it. Attempts at modernization,<br />

<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the expansion <strong>of</strong> women’s rights, were <strong>in</strong>stigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize<br />

power were thwarted at various junctures. <strong>The</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> women’s rights was used as a barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g counter<br />

<strong>in</strong> contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp sw<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> the pendulum<br />

between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People’s Democratic Party <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Afghanistan</strong> (PDPA) <strong>and</strong> the Islamist policies <strong>of</strong> the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, <strong>in</strong> a context where the<br />

state’s <strong>in</strong>terface with local communities, whether <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the legal framework, revenue collection or service<br />

delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women’s rights with reference only to government policies<br />

suffer from serious shortcom<strong>in</strong>gs. It is, rather, to the pr<strong>of</strong>ound transformations brought about by years <strong>of</strong> protracted<br />

conflict that one must look for a better appraisal <strong>of</strong> obstacles to <strong>and</strong> opportunities for more genderequitable<br />

development <strong>in</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>.<br />

<strong>The</strong> second section discusses the implications <strong>of</strong> the far-reach<strong>in</strong>g changes <strong>in</strong> social relations brought about by<br />

years <strong>of</strong> war <strong>and</strong> displacement follow<strong>in</strong>g the Soviet <strong>in</strong>vasion <strong>of</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>. A predom<strong>in</strong>antly rural country<br />

whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed <strong>in</strong>to a fragmented polity<br />

where a significant proportion <strong>of</strong> the economy is based on illicit, crim<strong>in</strong>alized networks <strong>of</strong> trade <strong>in</strong> drugs (opium<br />

poppy, <strong>in</strong> particular) <strong>and</strong> commodities such as timber <strong>and</strong> emeralds, smuggl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> goods <strong>and</strong> human traffick<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

<strong>The</strong> central argument put forward <strong>in</strong> this section is that rout<strong>in</strong>e violations <strong>of</strong> women’s rights <strong>in</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong><br />

are determ<strong>in</strong>ed by analytically dist<strong>in</strong>ct but overlapp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> mutually re<strong>in</strong>forc<strong>in</strong>g sets <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fluences: the dynamics<br />

<strong>of</strong> gendered disadvantage, the erosion <strong>of</strong> local livelihoods <strong>and</strong> grow<strong>in</strong>g poverty, the crim<strong>in</strong>alization <strong>of</strong> the<br />

economy, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>security due to the predations <strong>of</strong> armed groups <strong>and</strong> factions. Particular comb<strong>in</strong>ations <strong>of</strong> new<br />

pressures (such as poverty, <strong>in</strong>debtedness <strong>and</strong> predation by local strongmen) <strong>and</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g practices (such as the<br />

early marriage <strong>of</strong> girls aga<strong>in</strong>st the payment <strong>of</strong> brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as<br />

unmediated expressions <strong>of</strong> local “culture”, thus detract<strong>in</strong>g critical attention from the full nexus <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fluences that<br />

deepen the vulnerability <strong>of</strong> girls <strong>and</strong> women.<br />

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