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Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum

Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum

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of the Financial Services Action Plan. <strong>The</strong> dominant spirit of the times was<br />

anti-regulatory, with the Commission stressing its commitment to “better<br />

regulation” and the legislative simplification agenda. Experts pointed to<br />

weaknesses in the EU’s system of cross-border financial regulation but<br />

there was little political appetite for doing much about it.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re also appeared to be a lack of radical ambition for future budget reform.<br />

After the dramas of the horse-trading in 2005 to achieve an agreement on<br />

the EU Budget, over 70% of the funds are still devoted to the Common<br />

Agricultural Policy and Structural Funds. This is despite the emergence<br />

of major new EU policy priorities such as climate change and the need to<br />

facilitate the transition to a low-carbon economy; strengthening controls<br />

on migration at the common EU border; research and higher education in<br />

light of Europe clearly falling behind the US; a more active and effective<br />

EU neighbourhood and external policy; not to mention new social policy<br />

initiatives. True, agriculture subsidies have largely been decoupled from<br />

production and more funds switched to rural economic development.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Structural Funds are now also supposed to be aligned with “Lisbon”<br />

policy objectives. Yet, even within fields covered by the EU Budget, the<br />

Commission still has little ability to direct spending towards its agreed<br />

policy priorities – for instance, labour market adjustment, “flexicurity”,<br />

skills, social innovation and programmes to integrate “migrants” and<br />

ethnic minorities. <strong>The</strong> Commission’s political accountability is centred<br />

instead on bureaucratic processes and financial procedures rather than<br />

better policy outcomes.<br />

Partly as a result, “Social Europe” remained largely a rhetorical construct.<br />

Debate was polarised between on the one hand, those who interpreted<br />

anything with the label “social” on it as a burden on business and on<br />

the other, those who advocated a traditional “social agenda” centred on<br />

labour market regulation. <strong>The</strong> battles over the Working Time Directive<br />

were the best examples of this trench warfare, though the long deadlock<br />

demonstrated the difficulty of legislating across a diversity of practice<br />

in 27 member states and the substance of the issue seemed out of sync<br />

with new economic times where employees, just as much as employers,<br />

demanded greater flexibility in hours worked through the life course.<br />

As an alternative to this old debate on “Social Europe”, the Commission<br />

tried to focus attention on the “new social challenges” facing Europe – but<br />

was less clear about what new policies at EU level might flow from this.<br />

However, some political space for future European action was created by<br />

the establishment of a pale version of the Globalisation Adjustment Fund<br />

16<br />

After the crisis: A new socio-economic settlement for the EU

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