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in most <strong>of</strong> households, particularly for<br />

households in cluster B and C.<br />

Most households in cluster A were<br />

found to have been engaged in agricultural<br />

activities on their own land during<br />

the last rainy season where they cultivated<br />

mainly millet. Households in clusters B<br />

and C did not cultivate land which made<br />

these households dependent on food aid<br />

and on purchase <strong>of</strong> food from the local<br />

market.<br />

Cluster A households ate a wider variety<br />

<strong>of</strong> food items in the two weeks prior to<br />

conducting the interviews when<br />

compared to households in cluster B and<br />

C during the same period. In cluster A,<br />

food types consumed included cereals,<br />

sugar, cooking oil, dry and fresh meat,<br />

milk, biscuits, dry okra, fresh vegetables,<br />

and sometimes fruits. In comparison,<br />

households in clusters B and C were<br />

found to have rarely consumed fresh<br />

meat, vegetables and fruits.<br />

Children in cluster A were between the<br />

ages <strong>of</strong> 7-22 months and were found to<br />

have been fed more frequently i.e.<br />

between 3-4 times, when compared to<br />

children in clusters B and C who were fed<br />

between 2-3 times a day. Children in cluster<br />

B and C were mainly fed asida and<br />

poor quality molah made <strong>of</strong> dry meat, dry<br />

okra and kawal.<br />

Heads <strong>of</strong> households in cluster A were<br />

found to have more access to regular<br />

sources <strong>of</strong> income and were either receiving<br />

monthly salaries from regular<br />

employment or owned small business<br />

which provided regular sources <strong>of</strong> income<br />

all year as well as access to cultivation.<br />

The household heads <strong>of</strong> cluster B and C<br />

depended on seasonal employment<br />

opportunities. These household reported<br />

experiencing money shortage and subsequently<br />

food shortage frequently during<br />

the year.<br />

Water consumption/uses in all households<br />

seemed to be adequate. Differences<br />

between the three clusters were mainly in<br />

water uses/quality/hygiene. Observation<br />

<strong>of</strong> water containers, especially water<br />

jerkins, from all households in cluster A<br />

looked clean unlike most jerkins from<br />

cluster B and C.<br />

Interview results suggest that left-over<br />

food was not consumed by the targeted<br />

children in most <strong>of</strong> the cluster A households.<br />

The few households in cluster A<br />

which fed targeted children left-over,<br />

reported feeding children the leftover<br />

food only after reheating. They also<br />

reported food was consumed shortly after<br />

it was prepared/reheated. These ‘good’<br />

food handling practices were not prevalent<br />

in the other two clusters, where left<br />

over food was <strong>of</strong>ten fed to the targeted<br />

children.<br />

Mothers from all households in cluster<br />

A reported washing their hands with soap<br />

and water more frequently during the day,<br />

7-10 times, compared to mothers in clusters<br />

B and C who used to wash their hands<br />

only between 5-6 times. Soap consump-<br />

tion was reported to be more prevalent in<br />

households in cluster A than in households<br />

in clusters B and C.<br />

All children in cluster A where found<br />

not to have not experienced any illness<br />

such as diarrhea, vomiting, fever or<br />

common cold within the last 30 days prior<br />

to conducting <strong>of</strong> the interviews for <strong>this</strong><br />

study. On the other hand, all children<br />

included in Clusters B and C were sick<br />

with diarrhoea, vomiting and fever within<br />

the last 14 days prior to conducting <strong>of</strong> the<br />

interviews. Food consumption <strong>of</strong> children<br />

in these clusters during the illness period<br />

was described as very poor. Mother<br />

reported that these were children mainly<br />

dependent on breastfeeding during the<br />

bouts <strong>of</strong> illness. These findings were more<br />

evident in cluster C (severely malnourished<br />

children).<br />

Discussion and Recommendations<br />

Although the sample size <strong>of</strong> households<br />

included in <strong>this</strong> study was small and<br />

therefore, findings cannot be generalized<br />

to the larger population in Al-Salaam area<br />

or Kabkabyia town these findings are still<br />

useful for planning purposes.<br />

Findings suggest that agencies should<br />

consider job creation interventions, e.g.<br />

income generating activities, that would lift<br />

vulnerable populations out <strong>of</strong> poverty.<br />

Training on proper finance management at<br />

the household level should also be considered<br />

in an effort to change the noted culture<br />

<strong>of</strong> “I only need to look for work when there<br />

is no money or food in the house”.<br />

It is also important to look at the<br />

adequacy <strong>of</strong> food aid rations received by<br />

displaced people. The study finds a significant<br />

discrepancy between number <strong>of</strong><br />

people living in a household with the<br />

number registered on the ration card, so<br />

that the ration does not last as long as<br />

planned. The ongoing re-verification exercise<br />

<strong>of</strong> the IDPs in Darfur should help in<br />

addressing such discrepancies and should<br />

also assist WFP in determining which<br />

household are more vulnerable than<br />

others and therefore allow for provision <strong>of</strong><br />

food aid required accordingly.<br />

There is also a need for more education<br />

and awareness raising programmes<br />

around <strong>issue</strong>s <strong>of</strong> hygiene and sanitation,<br />

as well as more provision <strong>of</strong> soaps/detergents<br />

or water purifiers as necessary to the<br />

households.<br />

The <strong>issue</strong> <strong>of</strong> soap shortage in most <strong>of</strong><br />

the households with malnourished children<br />

should also be addressed. This can be<br />

done through increasing the soap ration<br />

received, which should be linked to the<br />

results <strong>of</strong> the proposed verification exercise<br />

in order to properly match the<br />

number <strong>of</strong> people actually living in the<br />

household with the number <strong>of</strong> soap bars<br />

to be received.<br />

There also needs to be awareness raising<br />

activities for mothers and child<br />

caregivers regarding symptoms and<br />

management <strong>of</strong> child malnutrition with an<br />

emphasis on child feeding practices.<br />

Effects <strong>of</strong> performance<br />

payments to health<br />

workers in Rwanda<br />

Summary <strong>of</strong> published research 1<br />

Research<br />

Astudy just published in the Lancet set out to assess<br />

the effect <strong>of</strong> performance-based payment <strong>of</strong><br />

healthcare providers on the use and quality <strong>of</strong><br />

child and maternal care services in healthcare facilities in<br />

Rwanda. Payment for performance (P4P) schemes<br />

provide financial incentives to healthcare providers for<br />

improvements in utilisation and quality <strong>of</strong> specific care<br />

indicators. They can affect the provision <strong>of</strong> heath care in<br />

two ways: by giving incentives for providers to put more<br />

effort into specific activities and by increasing the<br />

amount <strong>of</strong> resources available to finance the delivery <strong>of</strong><br />

services. However, P4P schemes can have a detrimental<br />

effect. For example, when P4P payments depend on<br />

completion <strong>of</strong> reports, providers might spend more time<br />

on administrative duties and less time ensuring that<br />

patients receive the best quality care. In <strong>this</strong> study, the<br />

researchers assessed the potential <strong>of</strong> a P4P scheme to<br />

increase use and quality <strong>of</strong> key maternal and child health<br />

services. The impact evaluation was done prospectively<br />

in parallel with the rollout <strong>of</strong> a national P4P programme<br />

in Rwanda.<br />

One hundred and sixty-six facilities were randomly<br />

assigned at the district level either to begin P4P funding<br />

between June 2006 and October 2006 (intervention<br />

group, n=80) or to continue with the traditional inputbased<br />

funding until 23 months after study baseline<br />

(control group, n=86). Randomisation was done by toss<br />

<strong>of</strong> a coin. The researchers surveyed facilities and 2,158<br />

households at baseline and after 23 months. The main<br />

outcome measures were prenatal care visits, institutional<br />

deliveries (births), quality <strong>of</strong> prenatal care, child preventive<br />

care visits and immunisation. The study team<br />

isolated the incentive effect from the resource effect by<br />

increasing comparison facilities’ input-based budgets by<br />

the average P4P payments made to the treatment facilities.<br />

The team estimated a multivariate regression<br />

specification <strong>of</strong> the difference-in-difference model, in<br />

which an individual’s outcome is regressed against a<br />

dummy variable, indicating whether the facility received<br />

P4P that year, a facility-fixed effect, a year indicator, and a<br />

series <strong>of</strong> individual and household characteristics.<br />

The model estimated that facilities in the intervention<br />

group had a 23% increase in the number <strong>of</strong> institutional<br />

deliveries and increases in the number <strong>of</strong> preventive care<br />

visits by children aged 23 months or younger (56%) and<br />

children aged between 24 months and 59 months<br />

(132%). No improvements were seen in the number <strong>of</strong><br />

women completing four prenatal care visits or <strong>of</strong> children<br />

receiving full immunisation schedules. The team<br />

also estimated an increase <strong>of</strong> 0.157 standard deviations<br />

(95% CI 0.026-0.289) in prenatal quality as measured by<br />

compliance with Rwandan prenatal care clinical practice<br />

guidelines. The P4P scheme in Rwanda had the greatest<br />

effect on those services that had the highest payment<br />

rates and needed the least effort from the service<br />

provider.<br />

Researchers concluded that P4P financial performance<br />

incentives can improve both the use and quality <strong>of</strong><br />

maternal and child health services and could be a useful<br />

intervention to accelerate progress towards Millennium<br />

Development Goals for maternal and child health.<br />

1<br />

Basinga. P et al (2011). Effect on maternal and child health services<br />

in Rwanda <strong>of</strong> payment to primary health-care providers for<br />

performance: an impact evaluation. Lancet 2011, 377: 1421-28<br />

22

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