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The Two Conquests of Zhang zhung and the Many Lig-Kings of Bon 39<br />

We therefore may have to turn to generic narratives on calamities, which<br />

are always sure to occur, by way of retribution, when a ruler forsakes Bon: a<br />

ubiquitous theme in Bon indeed. Relative to the samples that we find in the<br />

bsGrags byang and the Kha byang, the version that we find in the Ma nub<br />

seems to have been dealt a distinct ZZNG spin, moving the figure of sNang<br />

bzher lod po further centre stage.<br />

Within the ZZNG tradition, the bombing narrative already appears in<br />

the late 13 th c. AD (Bru:554.3–557.4). Outside ZZNG narrative traditions,<br />

a brief dbu yogs bombing narrative also shows up in the Kha byang (p.<br />

249.6). sNang bzher lod po is mentioned in the context of Lig myi rhya and<br />

apparently has thrown gold bombs (gser dzo). The brief context seems slightly<br />

different, but it clearly relates to a revenge story; how exactly is less clear.<br />

It looks like a brief reference to a story that appears more fully elsewhere,<br />

indeed, perhaps as it is featured in the Ma nub 48 Apart from this cluster of<br />

narratives on the demise of Zhang zhung and Lig myi rhya, the ZZNG does<br />

not borrow much from Dunhuang-style narratives. Quite unlike, e.g., the<br />

mDo ’dus, which even in its narrative structure is greatly indebted to story<br />

traditions that we find reflected in Dunhuang documents.<br />

Probably sNang bzher lod po’s revenge, together with parts of the lineage,<br />

at some point, was added to the Ma nub-theme as an apt marker of<br />

ZZNG identity. Ta pi hri tsa, sNang bzher lod po and others are familiar<br />

and conveniently legendary names in the lineage, which identify the stories<br />

as clearly pertaining to the ZZNG.<br />

Conclusions<br />

The Ma nub consists of three discrete parts. They may have to be dated individually.<br />

Part I seems to refer to a phyi dar-period entity: mNga’ ris (skor<br />

—————————<br />

suggest this to be the case. As noted at other occasions (Blezer 2008), ‘exegetical’ readings<br />

of older sources based on later narrativisations are certainly tempting, sometimes<br />

helpful, but always hazardous. Moreover, IOL Tib J 1284/1375 has a parallel passage to<br />

PT1287, which mentions the conquest of Byang gi Zhang zhung by Khyung po sPung<br />

sad zu tse, who offers it to Emperor Srong btsan sgam po (l.4). This evidence, from a<br />

temporally closer literary document, would make sPung sad zu tse significantly less than<br />

a heroic Zhang zhung freedom fighter; but we will probably never know for sure what<br />

‘really’ happened.<br />

48<br />

As indicated above, when discussing the Kha byang, sNang bzher lod po and Ta pi hri<br />

tsa are also mentioned together on p. 201.6f; Ta pi hri tsa appears alone on p. 206.1f;<br />

and sNang bzher lod po performs solo on p. 206.4. Also note Blon chen po snang bzher<br />

(rtsang khong) in Or. 8212/187. I do not find it very likely that the name sNang bzher<br />

made it into the ZZNG from the Annals. Cf. also Zhang/Blon mDo bzher (ibid.).<br />

dBa’/Blon khri sum rje rtsang bzher appears in IOL Tib J 750. A place or stronghold<br />

called dGra bzher, constructed in Ji ma khol, is also mentioned in PT1288.

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