Managing Intractable Conflicts: Lessons from Moldova and Cyprus

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The Role of Mass Media in the Settlement of the Cyprus Problem 43 message emitted from the media has been one supporting a “non-solution” rather than a solution (Christophorou et al., 2010; INDEX, 2009), a somewhat consistent picture with how the public opinion reacts on the Cyprus problem (Beyatli, Kaymak, & Papadopoulou, 2011). Portrayal of Bi-communal, Collaborative and Reconciliatory Civil Society Efforts by the Mass Media With regards to bi-communal activities, the mainstream media has had a neutral, or a negative role to play. Overall, the vast majority of the media does not take a supportive stance and does not sufficiently promote bi-communal activities. (Gillespie et al., 2011). Therefore, the media is not of particular assistance to CSOs that are active in bi-communal activities attempting to reach a wider audience and discussion panels on political and social issues in television programs that, for example, only seldom include civil society experts. In the past, especially before the opening of checkpoints in 2003 and during the Annan Plan period (2003-2004), on many instances the media had harshly criticized participants of bi-communal initiatives and organizers alike, on both sides of the divide. This intense criticism created psychological obstacles for participants, who became reluctant to participate in events that would “label” them as, in the least, “unpatriotic” (Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs, 2011). Such practices are accentuated whenever there is a “critical landmark decision” coming up regarding the Cyprus problem. “Us and Them”: The Portrayal of the “Other” Community by the Mass Media On the media reports on the Cyprus Problem, there is little differentiation on either side when it comes to the portrayal of the “other” side: cultivation of prejudices (The Cyprus, 2011) stereotypical phrases, expressions and the position that “our” side is the righteous one who strives for a solution whereas it’s the “others” who are negative, characterize the media on both sides, reinforcing a common public perception that one community does not want a peaceful solution with the other (Christophorou et al., 2010) by giving disproportional coverage to the few extremist voices of the other side, rather than of those who wish for a solution. Expressions such as “our side” and the “other side” are often used in everyday conversations to describe the Greeks/Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots/the
44 Managing Intractable Conflicts: Lessons from Moldova and Cyprus Turks or Turkey and thus some Greek Cypriot media occasionally use the expression “the Turkish side” when referring not only to Turkey, but also to the Turkish Cypriot community or the Turkish Cypriot leadership; an indication of their views on identity that assumes that Turkey and Turkish Cypriots all have the same positions and aims. (Christophorou et al., 2010; Gillespie et al., 2011). As in the case of Cyprus, studies have shown that in reports from conflict areas, pain and blood are differently “valued” (Avraham, 2003) often with a distinction between “worthy” and “unworthy” victims. The same applies to how the media handles stories, where assumptions regarding past events and traumas are filtered (e.g. of missing persons; rarely reporting when the remains of a missing person, a war victim, of the other community has been found) (Christophorou et al., 2010). The Mass Media and the Annan Plan During the Annan Plan era, most of the Greek Cypriot media favored its rejection, attacking those in favor, emphasizing the negatives and dismissing, or not mentioning, the positives (Djambazis et al., 2009). Public television channels also displayed their bias, as can be seen by the amount of air time given to personalities of the “no” vote; even avoiding almost altogether to give any airtime even to EU Enlargement Commissioner Gunter Verheugen, who vocally supported for the acceptance of the plan. Also during the Annan Plan period, the Greek Cypriot media would often change the semantics of the texts taken from the Turkish Cypriot/Turkish media outlets, altering the original articles to adapt them to their own stances and perceptions (Droushiotis, 2005; Christophorou et al., 2010). Therefore, the representation of the Annan Plan was divided; it was either positive or negative depending on the media outlet and its political alliances. Examples of Cooperation / Communication and Flow of Information from and to Each Side In 2003, when, for the first time since the war of 1974, the moving restrictions from one side to the other were eased, journalists from both sides had the opportunity to meet and cooperate with each other. Currently, this cooperation is mostly conducted in an un-strategic manner via the formal structures of the media outlets; most of the times it is e.g. based on a journalist’s personal connections with another journalist on the other side. Nevertheless, since 2003, some media organizations have established forms of direct cooperation between journalists and media organizations on the
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