Managing Intractable Conflicts: Lessons from Moldova and Cyprus

Challenges in Leadership and Public Opinion in Moldova: Threats and Opportunities
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CHALLENGES IN LEADERSHIP AND PUBLIC
OPINION IN MOLDOVA: THREATS AND
OPPORTUNITIES
By Alexandru Baltag 1
To start with, we will do a review of political evolution on the right bank of the
Dniester River, where we will then underline the main changes in leadership and
public opinion starting in 2005. It should be noted that the period between 2005 –
2008 was characterized by the existence of very close Moldovan-EU relations, while
the Moldovan-Russian relations were practically frozen, when the former President
of Moldova, Vladimir Voronin, refused to sign the Kozak Memorandum, which
contained the settlement of the conflict by the federalization of the reintegrated state.
In fact, the closeness between Chisinau and Brussels helped the former ruling party
of Moldova, the Communist Party, to remain in power until 2009, and to popularize
the idea of the European Integration of Moldova among the Moldovan citizens.
Concurrent to the Individual Action Plan Moldova – EU being signed, the European
Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) was launched,
the diplomatic mission of the European Commission was opened in Chisinau, the
EU Special Representative for the Transnistrian conflict was appointed, and, finally,
the new format of negotiation “5 +2” was established.
In this context, it should be mentioned that the closeness between the Republic
of Moldova and the EU and, at the same time, the chilled relationship with Russia
was highlighted by the blocking of relations with the separatist authorities, which
resulted in the blocking of the negotiation process for a long time. Or rather, the
inconsistent foreign policy of the former Moldovan leadership was the main cause
concerning the blockage of the positive development of the settlement process and
the absence of this topic in Chisinau’s official agenda. Likewise, the Transnistrian
subject was absent from the public discussion on the right bank, a fact that has led to
lower public interest towards this process. The low public interest continues to have
repercussions today, as indicated by the fact that the settlement of the Transnistrian
conflict ranks 5 th and 6 th in the priority list of the Moldovan population.
Since 2007, when pro-European opposition forces from Moldova began to gain
1 Dr. Alexandru Baltag is a Senior Consultant at the Presidential Office of the Republic of
Moldova and has a doctorate in international relations and European studies.