I N T E R V I E W<strong>Churchill</strong>’s Lessons of LeadershipSIR MARTIN GILBERT “ONE ON ONE” WITH PETER MANSBRIDGEPeter Mansbridge is a British-bornCanadian journalist, for twentyyears the chief correspondent andanchor of The National, CBC Television’spremier nightly newscast. This November2006 interview is published bykind permission of the Canadian BroadcastingCompany, Peter Mansbridge andSir Martin Gilbert. Finest Hour thanksMike Campbell in Halifax, Nova Scotia,for arranging permission with the CBC.Mr. Mansbridge began by saying thatalthough he would like to talk about allof Sir Martin’s thirty books on Sir <strong>Winston</strong><strong>Churchill</strong>, the show was unfortunatelyonly a half hour long. He thenasked Sir Martin what defines leadershipand great leaders.SIR MARTIN GILBERT: I think agreat leader has to have a sense of moralpurpose, he has to know exactly wherehe stands on the crucial issues of theday, and, if he is going to be a leader ofa western democracy, he must have areal sense that democracy matters, thatit has to be defended; a real convictionin his beliefs, and, of course, an abilityto transmit his convictions. There aremany people who have intense andgood convictions but, for one reason oranother, do not have the means totransmit them, to get them across—toyou and me.PETER MANSBRIDGE: So, it’s thatcombination of knowing where youwant to go, being convinced that it’sright, and having the ability, not onlyto attract others to follow you, but tohelp you get there?MG: Absolutely. You have to reflectpublic opinion, but you also have to beable to lead it—perhaps in directions itis a little reluctant to go. It is a complicatedbalancing act.PM: How do you judge a leader, anddo you have to wait and look back onwhat they did?MG: <strong>Churchill</strong>’s caseis interesting, in thathe judged himself afailure because duringthe Thirties, duringthe great appeasementdebate, when he was inopposition and so fewwere listening to him,he felt he had failed toproduce acceptance forhis views that war couldbe averted by armaments,by alliances, by faith inone’s own ideological, democratic positions.Being called in, as it were, to pickup the mess—to make good the neglectof his advocacy—he did not see as agreat achievement: he saw it as a failurethat he had been unable to convincethe Baldwin and Chamberlain governmentsto take measures that he—<strong>Churchill</strong>—believed could prevent war.Of course, for us, his coming to powerwas a great achievement. One has alwaysto think, what would have happenedif he had not had the full confidenceof his convictions? What wouldhave happened, when the Blitz was atits height, if he had said to himself, “Idon’t think I can go ahead with this”?He came near to that—very near to losing,not his nerve, but to feeling thatthe power of the enemy was too strongto overcome.PM: Is leadership different in wartime?MG: I think so. I think it is muchharder also to get to the bottom of whatwartime leadership is. So much of wartimeleadership—even, indeed especially<strong>Churchill</strong>’s —is working with alarge group of people, drawing on theirexpertise, allowing fighting men andwomen get on with the job, encouragingeffort and achievement, and notnecessarily being a micro-manager.<strong>Churchill</strong> was not primarily amicromanager, despite his incrediblefascination for and grasp of detail. HisFINEST HOUR 135 / 60leadership was that of an inspiring presence,rather then a finger in the pie. Intimes of peace, perhaps, a leader has tobe more pro-active.PM: Has television changed leadership?MG: Probably. People often ask me,“Would <strong>Churchill</strong> have been any goodon television?” We do not know. In hisprime he would probably have beenmagical on television, as he was onpublic platforms.PM: He became Prime Minister in hismid-Sixties. Was that his prime?MG: I think some of his greatest dayswere in the five or six years before theFirst World War, when he spearheadedthe great social revolution in Britain,creating the social system in Britainunder which we still live. Then therewas the greatness of his struggle againstappeasement—such an up-hill and dedicatedstruggle. But yes, certainly hisprime was in those first months of theSecond World War. In May 1940,when everything seemed hopeless, healso feared that Britain might be defeated.He confided to Anthony Edensix months later, “I awoke every morningwith dread in my heart.” Yet he wasable to go out and about into thebombed areas and show defiance, andpeople said, “He does not think we’rebeaten.” Even the “V for Victory” sign
was “cocking a snook” at the prospectof utter disaster.In June 1940 <strong>Churchill</strong> was goinginto the back door of 10 DowningStreet—the door on the Horse GuardsParade—fumbling with his key. Agroup of men around the nearby statueof Kitchener, putting up scaffolding soit would not be hit by shrapnel (whichin fact it was a year later; the marks canbe seen to this day), started cheering,“Good Old Winnie!” The Private Secretarywith <strong>Churchill</strong> was puzzled that hekept fumbling with his key to open thedoor—normally he would go and chatwith them or wave to them. So the PrivateSecretary tugged at him and said,“Prime Minister, the men on the scaffolding...”Suddenly he saw the tearsstreaming down <strong>Churchill</strong>’s face. Atthat moment, with France having capitulated,and German invasion bargesgathering in the North Sea and Channelports, he must have thought the situationwas hopeless. But he did notwant the men to feel his doubt; to seehim without his grin, his defiance, hiscigar, his V-sign.<strong>Churchill</strong>’s emotions often surprisedthose who knew him best. GeneralSir Hastings (later Lord) Ismay, thehead of his Defence Secretariat, hasrecorded in his memoirs accompanying<strong>Churchill</strong> to the London docks immediatelyafter the first heavy attack of theBlitz. “Our first stop,” Ismay writes,“was at an air-raid shelter in whichabout forty persons had been killed andmany more wounded by a direct hit,and we found a big crowd, male and female,young and old, but all very poor.“One might have expected themto be resentful against the authoritiesresponsible for their protection; but,as <strong>Churchill</strong> got out of his car, theyliterally mobbed him. ‘Good old Winnie,’they cried. ‘We thought you’dcome and see us. We can take it. Giveit ’em back.’“<strong>Churchill</strong> broke down, and as Iwas struggling to get to him throughthe crowd, I heard an old woman say,‘You see, he really cares; he’s crying.’”PM: I interrupted you over <strong>Churchill</strong>’sability to continue his leadership in thetelevision age...MG: <strong>Churchill</strong> was a very adaptableperson. In his enormously long life—his time in Parliament spanned sixtytwoyears—he had to adapt to all sortsof aspects of politics. Where he wasvery good—and this was unexpectedfor his contemporaries—was on theradio in its early days. I was astonishedto discover that when the BBC wantedin 1926 to have someone make theChristmas appeal for the blind, theychose him. It was a wonderful appeal,because he spoke with wit as well as oratory,with light touches as well asheavy touches. So, he adapted to theradio, as we now know with the famousSecond World War speeches.PM: A question about politicalhangers-on....MG: <strong>Churchill</strong> did not use imagemakers,but I came across a fascinatingcase where he recommended one.When General de Gaulle arrived inLondon in 1940—the one hope reallyof maintaining a fighting France inexile—<strong>Churchill</strong> was impressed thatthis man wanted to go on fighting theGermans. I found a note that he wroteto the Cabinet Office the theme ofwhich was that General de Gaulle is ourman but he has such a poor personalityand presentation that governmentmoney should be used to get a leadingPR firm to boost his image. So a considerablesum of money was paid to aPR agency, which trained de Gaulle fora month before he made his first greatspeech from London to the French people.Although <strong>Churchill</strong> did not have a“PR man” per se, he did have an excellentliterary agent, Emery Reves, whoarranged for his articles to be publishedaround the world between 1937 andthe outbreak of war in 1939.PM: After thirty books and havinggone through fifteen tons of materialduring your research, if he were alivetoday, what would be the one questionyou would ask?MG: It would be a question he himselfasked, and I would like to know whathis answer would be. While the SecondWorld War was in its final stages, heFINEST HOUR 135 / 61asked a friend, “Do you think I spenttoo much energy on the German questionand not enough on the Sovietquestion?” I would ask if he thoughtthat he had not done enough, or allthat he could have done, in dealingwith Stalin in 1944.PM: What do you think his answerwould be?MG: I would like to feel that it wouldbe “no,” that he would say that he haddone all that could be done, that he didhis best. But he was a very self-criticalperson, so he might feel that that he didfail in that regard.PM: What was <strong>Churchill</strong>’s greatest contributionin helping us to define leadership?MG: I think it was a combination ofdrawing on his vast experience, and hisperseverance. So often knocked down,so often marginalized, so often out ofpower, out of office, he never gave up.On one occasion, when he came toCanada in 1929, he thought perhaps heshould give up politics altogether, buy aranch in Alberta, and become a Canadianrancher!PM: Really?MG: He wrote to his wife from Banffin 1929, “I am greatly attracted to thiscountry....I have made up my mindthat if Neville Chamberlain is madeleader of the Conservative Party or anyoneelse of that kind, I clear out of politicsand see if I cannot make you andthe kittens a little more comfortable beforeI die.”* But by the time he hadcompleted his holiday, he was back inthe cut and thrust of British politics.PM: Lucky; who knows what wouldhave happened to us if he hadn’t beenhere?MG (laughing): Perhaps he’d have becomea great Oil Baron!*Sir Martin Gilbert, <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>. CompanionVolume V, Part 2, The Wilderness Years1929-1935 (London: Heinemann, 1981), 62. ,