Portrait of a Tokugawa Outcaste Community ... - East Asian History

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90 TIMOTHY D. AMOSFigure 5Reproduction of Lower Wana Village, based on BushO yokomi-gunshimowana sonchO ezumen [Map of Lower Wana village, Yokomi county,Musashi province] (1826) in the possession of Suzuki Mikio. Reproductionby the authoracted as "group head" and kogashira IJ\jj or "local eta village leader". Minegishihas argued that the titles of grouphead and local eta village leader werebasically synonymous. 24 The term"kogashira", however, appears to havebeen used only in relation to Danzaemonrule.SouthWana VillageTo Upper WaneVillageInterestingly,hinin in the LowerWana community did not live withinthe village itself. Rather, they eitherlived on the edge of the swamp thatcreated a natural border between Upperand Lower Wana villages or in thenorth-eastern corner of Lower Wana villagebordering a small forest. While thissegregation was clearly related to thedifferent functions of eta and hininthatis, the main hinin hut in LowerWana village (which probably doubledas a guardhouse) was only establishedin the early 1710s and presumably as aresponse to the growing number ofvagrants passing through both Upperand Wana Lower villageS-it doubtlessgave rise to an internal hierarchywithin the village with its own associatedstigma.RitefielcisJin'emon RicefieldsFields fot non-rice cropsForestationSwampGraveyardsHuts24 Ibid, p.74.
A TOKUGAWA OUTCASTE COMMUNITY91Inter-Community Outcaste RelationsA significant difference between Upper and Lower Wana villages existedin their notions of land. Lower Wana villagers' understandings of theirlocal territory went beyond simple notions of land ownership and geographicallyor topographically defined space. Another terrain quite apartfrom the village existed in the imaginations of rural outcaste communitiesin which flaying and begging rights existed. It was labelled the "workplace"(shokuba !fij\;t). Within Lower Wana village, an increasingly complexseries of ways in which land, territory, and belonging were formulatedemerged during the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 25Apart from the dual system of rule discussed above, there was also adifference between residential areas and work areas that increased thepotential for the village to be summoned into relationships with the widercommunity. In fact, the notion of a workplace brought the communityinto contact with other regional eta communities also under the governanceof Danzaemon, particularly into close relationships with those fromneighbouring workplaces.25 For a recent discussion of the Lower Wanavillage shokuba, consult David L. Howell,Geographies of Identity in NineteenthCentury Japan (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 2005), pp.37--B.While there is some disagreement among scholars over certain aspectsof the workplace, they generally agree that it had two aspects. Firstly,it was the legal territory for the disposal of dead cattle and horses. Andsecondly, it was the place where people had the right to beg. When cattleor horses kept by peasants in a particular workplace died, they were takento a place called the animal carcass dumping ground (heigyUba suteba 4-gf@;t) located on the periphery of each village. Nearby hinin patrolledthe area on a daily basis and if they found a carcass they skinned it anddisposed of the body. The economically valuable things went to the etawho had the rights of ownership for that day (called banichi t B). "Workplacerights" were owned on a day-to-day basis by those of eta status. Ifthe day on which a dead cow or horse was discovered was the first day ofthe month then it was the eta with the rights to that day that benefited."Begging rights", on the other hand, were generally owned by eta on avillage basis. They were permitted to collect alms from peasant householdsin that village on auspicious occasions such as the time of the summer/autumn Three Grains (harvests). Hinin belonging to the same villagewere also permitted to roam around these villages begging for alms inspecial periods such as times of great prosperity or famine, New Year,and Obon UEIJ. The right of hinin to beg alms in local villages appearsto have been a relatively recent phenomenon in the eighteenth centuryonethat was also a source of some conflict. The first time a hiningoya(hinin hut) was actually set up in Lower Wana village was 1706. Peasantvillagers throughout Yokomi county had sought after a way of dealingwith the importuning of "wild hinin" (nohinin l!!H A)-unregisteredhinin-and it was decided (by whom is unclear) that a portion of the
Page 1 and 2: EastAsianHistoryNUMBER 32/33 . DECE
Page 3 and 4: CONTENTS1 The Moral Status of the B
Page 5 and 6: West Lake from Wang Villa (Wang Zhu
Page 7: PORTRAIT OF A TOKUGA W A OUTCASTE C
Page 16 and 17: 92TIMOTHY D. AMOS26 Tsukada, Mihuns
Page 18 and 19: 94TIMOTHY D. AMOS34 SDKK, ed., Suzu
Page 20 and 21: 96TIMOTHY D. AMOS42 Harada Tomohiko
Page 22 and 23: 98 TIMOTHY D. AMOSFigure 6History o
Page 24 and 25: 100 TIMOTHY D. AMOSentitled to clos
Page 26 and 27: 102TIMOTHY D. AMOS53 Saitama-ken, e
Page 28 and 29: 104TIMOTHY D. AMOS59 Ibid., 72 [135
Page 30 and 31: 106TIMOTHY D. AMOS64 This is a sent
Page 32: 108TIMOTHY D. AMOSConclusionRelatio

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