92TIMOTHY D. AMOS26 Tsukada, Mihunsei shakai to shiminshakai: kinsei nihon no shakai to hO,pp.248--49.27 Koyanagi-ke monio [Documents <strong>of</strong> theHouse <strong>of</strong> Koyanagil (Higashi MatsuyamaToshokan). An index <strong>of</strong> the Koyanagi-kemonio can be found at the Higashi MatsuyamaMunicipal Library. A micr<strong>of</strong>ilm version<strong>of</strong> the entire collection <strong>of</strong> the documents isalso in the possession <strong>of</strong> the author. Hereafter,documents from this collection arecited as KKM, #_.28 Higashi matsuyama-shi hensanka,"Shomibun to yaku" [Various Statusesand Duties], in Higashi matsuyama norekishi [<strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Higashi Matsuyama1, ed.Higashi matsuyama-shi hensanka 2(Higashi Matsuyama: Higashi matsuyamashi,1985), pp.l65-78.29 SDKK, ed., Suzuki-ke monio, VoU, 591[6551.30 SDKK, ed., Suzuki-ke monio, VoLl, 209[12281. For another account <strong>of</strong> this incidentsee SKM, #169.eta begging rights be given away to hinin who would be employed andmade to work in the hinin hut. Hinin were made to perform the aforementionedduties <strong>of</strong> carcass disposal (bayaku :l:fji:) in exchange forreceiving the right to beg alms. 2 6The workplaces <strong>of</strong> Matsuyama M LlJ village and Lower Wana villagewere located alongside each other. The villages, in spite <strong>of</strong> their closeproximity, were located in different counties. Lower Wana village waslocated in Yokomi, and Matsuyama village in Hiki ltlt county. The workplaceboundaries, however, did not follow traditional landholding patternsbased on warrior domains, but cut through both Yo komi and Hiki countydivisions. And although members <strong>of</strong> these two villages would rarelydeal directly in the everyday business <strong>of</strong> flaying, tanning, and producingmerchandise through secondary industrial activity or cottage industries,close relationships were forged that predictably resulted in both positiveand negative experiences for the members <strong>of</strong> both communities.Some <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> the eta settlement in Matsuyama village maybe found in the The Documents <strong>of</strong> the House <strong>of</strong> Koyanagi (Koyanagi-kemonjo /N:YPC:iI) authored by the local eta village head in Matsuyama. 27According to the town history <strong>of</strong> Higashi Matsuyama *r LlJ, Matsuyamavillage was a postal town along the J6sM -.l1+1 and Chichibu )( roadsthat formed during the Sengoku period. It was a point <strong>of</strong> intersection forthe various workplaces <strong>of</strong> Oka [;ll], Matsuyama, Karako T, and Honshuku*m. The map <strong>of</strong> the Matsuyama workplace, dated 1830, informs usthat it was predominantly based in Matsuyama township, but also includedparts <strong>of</strong> Yo komi county. One major difference between the workplaces <strong>of</strong>Lower Wana village and Matsuyama village was the fact that the workplace<strong>of</strong> Matsuyama village was not only a space for eta and hinin, but was alsoa "begging ground" (kanjinba ifJ:l:) for a variety <strong>of</strong> other marginalized<strong>Tokugawa</strong> groups including oshi 1ftflgjjj (low-ranking shrine attendants),shugen {I (hermit ascetics), kanjin hijiri ifJ (mendicant lay priests),zat6 (blind performers/acupuncturists), goze tf (blind femaleperformers), and onmy6ji gjjj (lay diviners). In other aspects related toeta-hinin relations, taxation, land ownership and the like, there appearsto be little difference between the eta and hinin communities <strong>of</strong> LowerWana and Matsuyama villages. 28The record <strong>of</strong> the first encounter between Lower Wana village andMatsuyama village in 1699 is actually a dispute over the territorial boundaries<strong>of</strong> the workplace. 29 A hinin called Sajibe {;t[)XWJ allegedlyprocured a dead animal carcass from a village "dumping ground" Csutebaf&:l:) that lay near the border <strong>of</strong> the two separate workplaces <strong>of</strong> Wanaand Matsuyama. He was subsequently captured and incarcerated byMatsuyama villagers for his action. The village elders from Lower Wanathen attempted to negotiate a boundary between the two workplaces,but when negotiations broke down, they appealed to the magistrate. Asa result, the authorities ruled in favour <strong>of</strong> Lower Wana village. 3 0
A TOKUGAWA OUTCASTE COMMUNITY93Incidents between Lower Wana village and Matsuyama village regardingworkplace boundaries arose on numerous occasions. In 1823, Jin'emonrequested the Matsuyama village headman Sukezaemon Mft:jP reconfirmthe area <strong>of</strong> each <strong>of</strong> the village workplaces (mochiaiba t:,'fiS-t).Sukezaemon replied that it was the area defined in both 1699 and 1749.This indicates that there was at least one prior eighteenth-century disagreementbetween the two villages relating to territorial workplace issues .3131 SDKK, ed., Suzuki-ke monjo, YoLl, 245[273]. For what appears to be an undatedcopy <strong>of</strong> a draft complaint concerning the1699 incident, see SKM, #790.32 SDKK, ed., Suzuki-ke monjo, YoU, 144[646]33 KKM, #48.But not all workplace territorial disputes appear to have been relatedto rights over animal carcasses that died near workplace boundaries. In1758, for example, a Matsuyama village peasant brought a prisoner toLower Wana village and requested that Jin'emon and the hinin hut leaderKakube j take charge <strong>of</strong> the detainee. Jin'emon, before accepting therequest, solicited additional information concerning the required length <strong>of</strong>detention, but the peasant refused to outline a specific time. Jin'emon subsequentlydeclined to take charge <strong>of</strong> the convict, sending both the peasantand prisoner back to Matsuyama. Unsurprisingly, Jin'emon was shortlyafter summoned to appear before two local Matsuyama samurai <strong>of</strong>ficials.He was admonished for not taking the prisoners into his custody, andordered to do so in the future regardless <strong>of</strong> circumstances. Eventually, theprisoner was imprisoned in the Lower Wana guardhouse (presumably thehead hinin Kakube's hut), whereupon Jin'emon again requested informationconcerning the length <strong>of</strong> prisoner detention through <strong>of</strong>ficial channels.While one day was negligible, he wrote, a week meant having to feedthe prisoner: Jin'emon was deeply concerned about the added burden <strong>of</strong>procuring the prisoner's rations. The Matsuyama hinin who brought theprisoner to Lower Wana village had suggested that Jin'emon procure thenecessary provisions from the <strong>of</strong>ficials, an action Jin'emon did eventuallyresort to pleading financial hardship. 3 2 It is unclear whether Jin'emon'srequest was successful, and why the hinin from Matsuyama brought theprisoner to Lower Wana village in the first place when there was a largeguardhouse in Matsuyama. 33 It is clear, though, that over the course <strong>of</strong> theeighteenth century, prisoner guard duty jurisdiction and responsibilitiesemerged as the dominant issue within struggles over "workplace rights".Another incident which followed in 1767 provides additional evidence<strong>of</strong> this phenomenon. In this case, an "unregistered commoner" (mushuku1D Kichisaburo Ef== was murdered by a man called lemon ffl":bjPin the township <strong>of</strong> Iwadonosan :!6!%hu. The son-in-law <strong>of</strong> the Matsuyamavillage hinin leader Bangoro Jj E. is mentioned in the prologue to theincident, as is another Matsuyama village resident, Jinshichi If-l::;, who waspresent at the scene and apparently pulled Kichisaburo <strong>of</strong>f the dead victim.The Iwadonosan village elder Seishichi m'-l::; subsequently requested thatJin'emon appoint the Lower Wana village hinin hut leader Kakube asKichisaburo's guard. Jin'emon objected, however, on the grounds that thevictim was born in Matsuyama territory and should therefore be handled