DELIGHTS|BOOKS<strong>John</strong> Graves Simcoe outlawed slavery in UpperCanada in the 1790s.Florence Nightingaletary Seward was “vulgar and ungentlemanlikeand the more he is seen here theless he will be liked.” Seward was furiousabout all the Confederate activity underwayin plain sight on Canadian soil, whilethe governor general of Canada, LordMonck, struggled to preserve the letter ofBritain’s neutrality laws.For his part, British Prime MinisterPalmerston “was not in the least interestedin petty recruiting scandals, except as acounterargument to Northern complaints62about the Alabama.” His worry, rather,was that the U.S. would take over completecontrol of the St. Lawrence Riverand thus keep British vessels from usingit. Connected to this in several importantways was the possibility that naval warfareon the Great Lakes, the site of one ofmost important American victories in theWar of 1812, would resume. This, despitethe fact that the Rush-Bagot treaty haddemilitarized these waters in 1817. Formost of the Civil War, the only naval vesselon the Lakes was an American gunboatguarding Confederate prisoners on thesouthern shore of Lake Erie. But this couldchange quickly, given the British obligationto defend the Canadas and the South’sextensive (if not always smoothly run) infrastructureat important points along theborder. This subject is a highly complexone that a Canadian historian, <strong>John</strong> Bell,surveys in his new book Rebels on the GreatLakes: Confederate Naval Commando OperationsLaunched from Canada, 1863—1864(Dundurn, $27.99 paper). Mr. Bell clearlyhas infinite patience, an excellent nose fortracking, and a serious but likeable prosestyle: a combination all too rare.Once the Civil War sputtered to its end,the U.S. sought recompense from Englandfor allowing construction of the Alabamaat an English shipyard (at Birkenhead inCheshire). It also demanded reparationsfor all the U.S. merchant shipping lost inattacks by the Alabama and other Confederateraiders, putting the figure at two billiondollars (or, as one especially powerfulsenator suggested, all of Canada, in lieu ofcash). Palmerston reacted angrily but diedbefore the end of 1865. The liberal Gladstone,who became prime minister in 1868,acknowledged the principle involved butthought the dollar amount ridiculous. Aninternational commission was establishedto consider the matter. The affair draggedon for the remainder of the decade, andbeyond.William Seward, who once proposedto President Lincoln that the U.S. declarewar on the whole of Europe as a way ofdistracting the nation’s mind from theslavery problem, was in an expansionistmood, as usual. Having engineered theAmerican purchase of Alaska from theRussians in 1867, he now suggested thatthe British payment take the form of NovaScotia, the Red River Colony (in what’snow Manitoba) and the land that wouldcome to be British Columbia. To Seward,the last of these was the most important,as it could be merged with Alaska. Hedied, out of office, in 1872, by which timeBritish prime minister Lord Palmerston circa1845Hamilton Fish, a new and less combativesecretary of state, was in place. The figuresappointed to resolve the matter (Sir <strong>John</strong>A. Macdonald among them) found in theAmericans’ favour. In the end, Britain paid$15.5 million, offering an apology but admittingno guilt. The relevant document,the Treaty of Washington, deserves to bebetter known. Many cite it as one of thefirst milestones on the road to multilateraland multinational arbitration, the codificationof international law, and so on.Dr. Foreman’s book is full of compellingindividuals as well as politics andideas. For example, some exceptionaljournalists strut across her pages, mostparticularly the near-legendary W.H.Russell—“Russell of the Crimea.” It washe who coined the phrase “the thin redline.” He is often said to have inventedthe profession of war correspondent aswell (eroding the tradition by which commissionedofficers dashed off occasionaldespatches even while in the saddle). TheCrimean War of 1853-56, in which Britain,France and the Ottoman Empire foughtthe Russians to settle a bar bet about theHoly Land, was the single greatest influenceon the American Civil War — strategically,tactically, even sartorially — butmost importantly in the terrible level ofcarnage that resulted. There is a usefulcomparison to be made between Dr. Foreman’swork and another new book, TheCrimean War in the British Imagination byStefanie Markovits (Cambridge UniversityPress, US$99).WINTER 2012 | JAN-FEB-MARPD-Art
BOOKS|DELIGHTSLibrary and Archives Canada, Raymond Gibson Collection, 1977-157, C-91766Soldiers in 259th battalion, led by Brig.-Gen. Bickford, second-in-command of the Siberian force, disembarking at Egersheld, Vladivostok, in 1919.In the Crimea (where his first-handreportage caused an unknown FlorenceNightingale to take up battlefield nursing),Russell didn’t shy from reportingthe true horrors that he saw. He assumedthe same tone in America. He preferred atent full of common soldiers to a secondedfront parlour full of generals. As one colleaguecommented, “He is a good chapto get information, particularly from theyoungsters.” So naturally his employer,The Times of London, sent him to Americawhen war broke out there. The newspaperlater recalled him, however, on thegrounds that he was too sympathetic tothe South, or at least not sympatheticenough to the North. Curiously, the samepaper had no qualms about Francis Lawley,its reporter who followed the Southernarmies and was outrageously blind totheir every flaw and misstep. As a reader,I’m delighted to find that Dr. Foremandiscusses Edward Dicey, who promotedthe Northern armies for the Spectator andwrote what is still an endearing pro-Unionmemoir, Six Months in the Federal States.It is not to be confused with, but simplycontrasted to, Three Months in the SouthernStates (April, May and June 1863) by LieutenantColonel Arthur J.F. Fremantle of theColdstream Guards. He took leave fromthe service to travel in all 11 Confederatestates, using letters of introduction fromone official or another (even Jefferson Davis)to gain an audience with the next generalon his list. Studying the Confederatearmy through the eyes of a professionalsoldier left him with solid collegial respectfor his hosts. His handsomely writtenbook is still in print as a 1991 paperbackedition (University of Nebraska Press,US$18.95). Dr. Foreman uses this one, too,to good effect.To state the matter as simply as possible,then, the most important diplomaticquestion of the American Civil War waswhether to take sides in a divorce (in waras in real life, always a risky proposition).A similar situation, one involving Canadaand its numerous allies arose near the endof the First World War and continued onfor a time afterwards. In 1917, the yearof both the February and October revolutions,Russia deposed the czar (who wasexecuted the following year) and ranthrough two prime ministers. The countrywas a shambles of starvation and unrest.diplomat and international canada 63