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La politique du dehors avec les raisons du - European University ...

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as being a provider for alternative policy agendas to official EU policies as they<br />

are pursued by the EU executive.” 39 Stetter’s explanation for the uncanny<br />

convergence of decision ru<strong>les</strong> on interior and foreign policy by the EU’s three<br />

principal agents was not causality but cross-fertilization. At the EU level of<br />

governance, it appears that Stetter’s findings highlight the congruence between<br />

la <strong>politique</strong> <strong>du</strong> <strong>dehors</strong> <strong>avec</strong> <strong>les</strong> <strong>raisons</strong> <strong>du</strong> dedans. Can we go further and<br />

discover whether under certain conditions a state’s foreign policy may be<br />

dictated by religious and ethnic fears at home?<br />

The internal logic of French foreign policy<br />

For Jocelyn Evans, who employed the French expression above in his<br />

study of the influence of the Front National on France’s foreign policy, right-<br />

wing movements may target scapegoats who are simultaneously found abroad<br />

and at home. Muslim migrants and minorities at home are viewed by many FN<br />

supporters as mere extensions of Muslim states in the international arena.<br />

They are therefore seen as posing an equal threat to national cohesion,<br />

national security, and the national interest. 40<br />

Of course the opposite perspective—of a natural coa<strong>les</strong>cing of interests<br />

found at home and abroad—is just as plausible. Jacques Attali, special adviser<br />

to President Mitterand, remarked that “France may be Christian, Atlantic, and<br />

<strong>European</strong>, but it is also Muslim, Mediterranean and African. And its future—<br />

like that of every great power—resides in the multiplicity of its connections, in<br />

the resolute acceptance of its ambiguities.” 41 France’s special interest in the<br />

12

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