La politique du dehors avec les raisons du - European University ...

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Domestic and foreign policies become locked in a dialectic. Although other aspects of globalization—unrestricted movement of capital, consumerism, cultural production—have also made governments seem “soft” on protecting their “borders,” it has been migration where norms of transnational activity have not taken root. Thus “Migration (especially illegal migration across state borders) is often perceived as a sign of declining state sovereignty. The very fact that ethnic ‘others’ are capable to cross state borders and are hard to control once inside the host state sets the stage for increasing concerns of the host populations about security.” 28 The concept of anarchy, both in the international system and in the receiving society, becomes salient. “The weaker this perceived [government] capacity, the greater the likelihood that the incumbent groups will feel uncertain and fearful for their future. Drawing on the security-dilemma logic, the stronger the sense of anarchy, the stronger the likelihood that security will be the primary concern of individuals and groups.” 29 Formulating a tough state security policy becomes a priority for the anti-migrant constituency. Fear of approaching anarchy and fear of foreigners become interrelated. A consequence is the spread of resentment--an emotional response to the prospect that under anarchy social hierarchies may shift in favor of others. 30 Most cases of ethnic targeting in the twentieth century involved such resentment, whether the regularity of pogroms against Jews in eastern Europe or the protracted economic subordination of Catholics in Northern Ireland. In 8
short, shifting social hierarchies produce the “sense of emerging anarchy and uncertainty about the future under weak ‘rules of the game.’” 31 Similar logic was employed by Bauman to associate the rise of xenophobia with the replacement of structures of solidarity by competition. “Xenophobia, the growing suspicion of a foreign plot and resentment of ‘strangers’ (mostly of emigrants, those vivid and highly visible reminders that walls can be pierced and borders effaced, natural effigies, asking to be burned, of mysterious globalizing forces running out of control), can be seen as a perverse reflection of desperate attempts to salvage whatever remains of local solidarity.” 32 In sum, “Immigration phobia in host societies is likely to be more intense, the more acute perceptions of emergent anarchy, the more ambiguous the sense of migrant intentions, and the more distinct and cohesive the perceived ‘groupness’ of migrants.” 33 The spread of Islamophobic attitudes is partly the product of popular perceptions in the host society of the strong sense of groupness that Muslim migrants preserve even as anarchic conditions prevail in transnational migration. The peril of securitizing migration is that it can bring about exactly that which it is intended to prevent. “As in the case of spiraling arms races, overrating of security threats arising from migration is likely to generate self- fulfilling prophecies: The more migration is feared as a security threat, the more of a security threat it becomes.” 34 9
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Page 7: unprecedented human migration, phob
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Page 15 and 16: If France’s relations with Arab s
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Page 21 and 22: minorities so well: he thinks of hi
Page 23 and 24: France than anywhere else. Mutual r
Page 25 and 26: 11 Kal J. Holsti, “National Role
Page 27: 63 From Emmanuel Todd interview in

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