founders -- the local elite -- at a disadvantage. 106 These moves, which diminished the socioeconomicpower <strong>of</strong> the local elite in contrast to the colonial powers, were resisted by Muslimlegal activists constantly struggling with the new state. 107 But, somewhat ironically, even afterthe end <strong>of</strong> the British Raj, the emergent Islamic states themselves continued tight control <strong>of</strong>Islamic charities.V. THE ROLE OF THE WAQF VIS-À-VIS THE STATE IN PAKISTANA. Brief Overview <strong>of</strong> Civil Society in PakistanCivil society in Pakistan is an area which is only recently being studied in any meaningfulmanner. While philanthropic and charitable activities have a long tradition in the region,primarily through the creation <strong>of</strong> trusts for providing public services as an ancillary to the state, 108even the term ‘civil society’ has been in vogue in Pakistan only since the 1990’s and there is noequivalent term in any <strong>of</strong> the country’s many vernacular languages. 109 It is generally recognizedthat philanthropy, volunteerism, and self-help activities enjoy a rich tradition in the Indus Valleydating back as much as 5,000 years -- building on religious traditions <strong>of</strong> Hinduism, Buddhism,Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism. 110 Yet, there are those today who see civil society in Pakistan asdisintegrating, the victim <strong>of</strong> ‘unresolved questions <strong>of</strong> identity, ideology and ethnicity furthercompounded by a monolithic state structure.’ 111 Still others are more optimistic and view civilsociety in Pakistan as ‘emerging from an abysmal state and redefining itself.’ 112 This moreoptimistic view relies on a perception that exposure <strong>of</strong> government corruption, a stronger andmore critical judiciary, and the discomfort <strong>of</strong> the populous with the ‘existing oligarchic tripolarrelationship between the bureaucracy, the military and politicians which smacks <strong>of</strong> age-olddynastic elitism’ 113 is leading to a resurgence <strong>of</strong> civil society organizations in Pakistan in the face<strong>of</strong> an uneasy state.Whether optimist or pessimist, most scholars appear to concur that civil society in Pakistan isstruggling due to its somewhat ‘symbiotic relationship’ with a powerful state, in which a weakcivil society remains in many ways merely another branch <strong>of</strong> the monopolistic and interventioniststate structure. 114 Civil society in Pakistan struggles to define itself, define its place in theemerging sociopolitical order, and obtain some independence from the authoritarian strictures <strong>of</strong>a state that <strong>of</strong>ten displays mixed and ambiguous attitudes toward civil society, embracing itspublic service delivery yet <strong>of</strong>ten viewing it in competition and <strong>of</strong>ten as a direct threat to theinterests <strong>of</strong> the state. Moreover, this struggle is further complicated by the virtual absence <strong>of</strong> theoverall societal attributes that would provide a fertile ground from which civil society couldflourish. As even one <strong>of</strong> the self-proclaimed optimists readily admits, ‘[a]ccountability, a decenteducational system, egalitarian economic policies to help the have-nots and minorities, a non-106 Bremer, above n 37, 14.107 Ibid.108 Muhammad Asif Iqbal, Hina Kahn, and Surkhab Javed, ‘Nonpr<strong>of</strong>it Sector in Pakistan: HistoricalBackground’ (2004) (Social Policy and Development Centre Working Paper No. 4, in collaboration withthe Aga Khan Foundation (Pakistan) and the Center for Civil Society Studies, Johns Hopkins University) 4.109 Adnan Sattar Rabia Baig, ‘Civil Society in Pakistan: A Preliminary Report on the C<strong>IV</strong>ICUS Index onCivil Society Project in Pakistan’ (2001) 1(11) C<strong>IV</strong>ICUS Index on Civil Society Occasional Paper Series 1.110 Muhammad Asif Iqbal, Hina Kahn, and Surkhab Javed, above n 108, 5.111 Iftikhar H. Malik, State and Civil Society in Pakistan (1997) 9.112 Ibid.113 Ibid.114 Ibid 12, 115.22
partisan judiciary, a vigilant press, participation by women – all those necessary requirements <strong>of</strong> avibrant civil society – have suffered from constant erosion.’ 115The legal environment within which civil society organizations must operate in Pakistan is alsocomplicated and <strong>of</strong>ten contradictory, at least in practice. For example, while the constitution <strong>of</strong>the Islamic Republic <strong>of</strong> Pakistan guarantees freedom <strong>of</strong> association, 116 the government also hasconstrained that right -- such as through bans on public assemblies and arrests <strong>of</strong> civil societyleaders -- in the interest <strong>of</strong> sovereignty or otherwise whenever it claims that ‘national interests’are at stake. 117 As a practical matter, so long as civil society relegates itself to the role <strong>of</strong> servicedelivery, philanthropy and charity, the state is relatively comfortable. It is when civil societyorganizations become involved in advocacy roles that ‘national interests’ are triggered and thestate generally steps in. 118In addition, the legal framework itself is widely-regarded as confusing and, in many ways,outdated or even obsolete. 119 To illustrate the confusing maze <strong>of</strong> laws, for example, a review <strong>of</strong>recent studies <strong>of</strong> the legal framework <strong>of</strong> philanthropic organizations in Pakistan reveals one studythat states there are ‘six different laws under which organisations can be registered’; 120 anotherstudy that states there are ‘at least seven laws that are <strong>of</strong> principal relevance to the registrationand operation <strong>of</strong> nonpr<strong>of</strong>it organizations either singly or are [sic] applicable alongside others’,while also mentioning that there are ‘eleven laws which either require registration or conferregistration either explicitly or implicitly’ to NPOs; 121 and yet another study that notes the‘plethora <strong>of</strong> laws which impact – or at the very least, marginally impinge on – philanthropicorganisations consists <strong>of</strong> a total <strong>of</strong> eighteen federal acts.’ 122 . While it is a somewhat subjectivedetermination by the authors <strong>of</strong> these studies as to which laws may ‘impact’ or be ‘relevant’ toregistration and/or operation <strong>of</strong> philanthropic organizations, one can easily imagine the difficultyfor the Pakistani civil society sector in determining what law(s) may apply. Even the languageemployed in the laws is complex and, as one study found, severely restricts the ability <strong>of</strong> thepublic to understand the laws. 123 Some <strong>of</strong> the laws are derived from laws enacted in the UnitedKingdom during the early 19 th century. Still others are derived from laws enacted by the Britishin an effort to control civil society in the wake <strong>of</strong> the War <strong>of</strong> Independence in 1857 (or, as Britishhistorians refer to it, the ‘Indian Mutiny’) -- ‘draconian laws used primarily either to intimidatephilanthropic organizations or pursue a vendetta against those that were critical <strong>of</strong> thegovernment <strong>of</strong> the day.’ 124 Some <strong>of</strong> these early colonial laws, such as the Societies RegistrationAct <strong>of</strong> 1860, the Religious Endowment Act promulgated in 1863, and the Trusts Act <strong>of</strong> 1882,remain valid laws today regulating certain philanthropic organizations in Pakistan.115 Ibid.116 Article 17(1): ‘Every citizen shall have the right to form associations or unions, subject to anyreasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest <strong>of</strong> sovereignty or integrity <strong>of</strong> Pakistan, public order ormorality.’ Zafar Hameed Ismail and Quadeer Baig, above n 1, 254.117 Adnan Sattar Rabia Baig, above n 109, 11.118 Ibid.119 See, e.g., Zafar Hameed Ismail, ‘<strong>Law</strong> and the Nonpr<strong>of</strong>it Sector in Pakistan’ (2002) (Social Policy andDevelopment Centre Working Paper No. 3, in collaboration with the Aga Khan Foundation (Pakistan) andthe Center for Civil Society Studies, Johns Hopkins University) 3; Adnan Sattar Rabia Baig, above n 109,12-13.120 Adnan Sattar Rabia Baig, above n 109, 7.121 Zafar Hameed Ismail, above n 119, 3.122 Zafar Hameed Ismail and Quadeer Baig, above n 1, 252.123 Adnan Sattar Rabia Baig, above n 109, 12.124 Zafar Hameed Ismail and Quadeer Baig, above n 1, 253.23
- Page 1 and 2: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CIVIL SOCI
- Page 3 and 4: Letter from the EditorDear Readers,
- Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTSIJCSL EDITORIAL BO
- Page 7 and 8: ARTICLESTHE ROLE OF THE ISLAMIC WAQ
- Page 9 and 10: ‘a bewildering array of the good,
- Page 11 and 12: [a]lthough civil society organizati
- Page 13 and 14: to integrate economic development a
- Page 15 and 16: duty.’ 55 In contrast to zakāt,
- Page 17 and 18: of such venerable educational insti
- Page 19 and 20: avoiding the appearance of impiety,
- Page 21: …’ 101 Throughout the Islamic w
- Page 25 and 26: number of awqaf for myriad public p
- Page 27 and 28: made over to the plundering hands o
- Page 29 and 30: prescribed by law. 159 Like the 192
- Page 31 and 32: property is not a waqf property or
- Page 33 and 34: VIII. REFERENCESA. Articles/BooksAh
- Page 35 and 36: Meidinger, Errol E, ‘Environmenta
- Page 37 and 38: STUDENT ARTICLESINTERNATIONAL INSTR
- Page 39 and 40: interest for the Balkan, minorities
- Page 41 and 42: dimension is emphasized with Articl
- Page 43 and 44: The Copenhagen document deals with
- Page 45 and 46: Historically, the 1946 Constitution
- Page 47 and 48: service, or sometimes 239 special f
- Page 49 and 50: This position by the Greek governme
- Page 51 and 52: a member of the civil state, entitl
- Page 53 and 54: Civilization" with headquarters in
- Page 55 and 56: term "vinozhito"(rainbow) could pos
- Page 57 and 58: declare the party as unconstitution
- Page 59 and 60: The cases analyzed below, exemplify
- Page 61 and 62: ECHR, and based upon this analysis,
- Page 63 and 64: Jabuka in particular, recognized as
- Page 65 and 66: the minority still face problems in
- Page 67 and 68: BibliographyBooks:BLACK’S LAW DIC
- Page 69 and 70: Vlassis Vlassidis, Veniamin Karakos
- Page 71 and 72: THE DIFFERING TAX TREATMENT OF INVE
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…any person who, for compensation
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the assets under management. 437 Th
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As a preliminary matter, a taxpayer
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Commissioner further summarized the
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number of itemized returns. These t
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fiduciary duty implications applica
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operate as a fraud or deceit upon t
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Policy ConsiderationsIn light of th
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more advantageous to address altern
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STUDENT NOTESBUILDING CONSUMER CAPA
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CASE NOTESC A N A D I A N S U P R E
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minimum constitutional protection t
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objective of ensuring safety in sch
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Turning to its impact on courts and
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tribunals to ensure that an appropr