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202 NOTES TO CHAPTER 116. ‘Alamgiriyya, 1: 2. Also cf. Saqi Musta‘ad Khan, Maasir-i-‘Alamgiri, tr.Jadunath Sarkar (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947), 315f.17. Cf. Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Endowments and Society in BritishIndia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 105; Bhatia, AdministrativeHistory, 159. As Radhika Singha has suggested, the emperor may also havebeen trying to assert state authority through this compilation, an effort that“would be taken up again in the Anglo-Muhammedan law as it evolved in the[East India] Company’s criminal courts.” Singha, A Despotism of Law, 16.18. Cf. Weiss, The Spirit of Islamic Law, 116ff.19. See, for instance, “Kitab adab al-qadi,” in ‘Alamgiriyya, 3: 306–450, passim.See also 3: 362, on the possibility for a Hanafi judge to have a Shafi‘i judgedecide certain matters that the former’s school would not allow.20. Ibid., 3: 312.21. The ‘Alamgiriyya’s compilers had claimed that “for the most part, theyhave confined themselves to the zahir al-riwaya, and have only rarely turned tothe nawadir and the dirayat; [having recourse to the latter] only when they didnot find the answer to the problem in the zahir al-riwaya, or when they had foundthe nawadir characterized as ‘the opinion according to which the fatwas aregiven’ ” (‘Alamgiriyya, 1:3). These claims, however, were less than accurate. Cf.Wael B. Hallaq, “Model Shurut Works and the Dialectic of Doctrine and Practice,”Islamic Law and Society 2/2 (1995): 122. Also cf. Hallaq, Authority, Continuity,and Change, 120, 234.22. See, for instance, Kozlowski, Muslim Endowments; idem, “When the‘Way’ Becomes the ‘Law’: Modern States and the Transformation of Halakhahand Shari‘a,” in Studies in Islamic and Judaic Traditions, ed. William M. Brinnerand Stephen D. Ricks (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989), 2:97–112; David S. Powers,“Orientalism, Colonialism, and Legal History: The Attackon Muslim Family Endowmentsin Algeria and India,” Comparative Studies in Society and History,31/3 (1989): 535–71; Scott Alan Kugle, “Framed, Blamed and Renamed: TheRecasting of Islamic Jurisprudence in Colonial South Asia,” Modern Asian Studies35 (2001): 257–313. For more general studies of colonial law, see J.D.M. Derrett,Religion, Law and the State in India (New York: The Free Press, 1968), ch. 15and passim; Bernard S. Cohn, “Law and the Colonial State in India,” in Colonialismand Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1996), 57–75; Laura Benton, “Colonial Law and Cultural Difference:Jurisdictional Politics and the Formation of the Colonial State,”Comparative Studies in Society and History 41/3 (1999): 563–88.23. On the creation of British courts and the administration of civil and criminaljustice under the East India Company, see B. B. Misra, The Central Administrationof the East India Company, 1773–1834 (Manchester: Manchester UniversityPress, 1959), 220–377.24. Quoted in Asaf A. A. Fyzee, Outlines of Muhammadan Law (London:Oxford University Press, 1955), 37. Cf. Derrett, Religion, Law and the State,225ff.25. Garland Cannon, ed., The Letters of Sir William Jones (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1970), 2:720f. For the insistence of early colonial officials that their judicial