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226 NOTES TO CHAPTER 4Press, 2001). (I am grateful to Professor Nasr for allowing me to see his bookprior to its publication.)12. The square brackets, except when they refer to the number of the particularclause, are mine; the parentheses are in the original.13. See “Text of the Fifteenth Constitutional Amendment Bill” in Dawn, August29, 1998.14. For the text of the revised bill, see Dawn, October 9, 1998. For its passagein the lower house, ibid., October 10, 1999.15. Aftab Hussain, Status of Women in Islam (Lahore: Law Publishing Company,1987), 77f. On taqlid as “blind adherence,” see 80 and passim.16. For detailed accounts of the context of, the discussions on, and the oppositionto the proposed fifteenth amendment, see The Herald (September 1998) 25–44; Newsline (September 1998) 14–30. Foremost among the Islamists who rejectedthe proposed amendment was Qazi Husayn Ahmad, the amir of the Jama‘at-iIslami. As he put it, “When the rulers find their ship is sinking, they arereminded of Islam” (quoted in The Herald [September 1998]: 27). But the Deobandi‘ulama’s organization, the Jam‘iyyat al-‘Ulama’-i Islam, was also critical:cf. Newsline (September 1998): 16. Another group of religious scholars and Sufis,the Ittihad al-masha’ikh-i Pakistan, also opposed the proposal. The president ofthis forum, Dr. Khalid Raza Zakori, was quoted as saying that “the ulema andmashaikh of Pakistan [are] ready to extend their fullest support to Islamizationin its totality but they would not allow any adventurer to use the name of Islamfor increasing his power or for cheating the faithful” (Dawn, September 14,1998). Not all religious groups opposed the proposal, however. For expressionsof support for it, cf. The Herald (September 1998): 27f.17. The reference to the “recognized” Islamic sects is meant to exclude theAhmadis, who are not considered Muslims by the other Muslim groups in SouthAsia.18. The provisions of the declaration have been paraphrased here from thefull text given in Muhammad Taqi ‘Uthmani, Nifaz-i shari‘at awr us-ke masa’il(Karachi: Maktaba-i Dar al-‘Ulum, 1413 A.H.), 19–23, and in Mawdudi, IslamicLaw and Constitution, 355–58.19. For example, in the “Views” submitted by the Board on the Teachings ofIslam to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in July 1950. For the text of thisdocument, see Binder, Religion and Politics, 383–429; for a discussion, see 155–82. For another formulation of similar views, see Muhammad Taqi ‘Uthmani,“Islami dastur ka mafhum” (“The meaning of an Islamic constitution”), in Nifazishari‘at, 7–17, where he deduces the basic principles of an Islamic constitutionfrom what he takes to be relevant verses of the Qur’an.20. Taqi ‘Uthmani, Nifaz-i shari‘at, 9.21. For examples of such rhetoric, cf. ibid., 8; Sami‘ al-Haqq, Iqtidar ke iwanonmain shari‘at bill ka ma‘rika (Akora Khattak: Mu’tamar al-musannifin,1991), 25ff., 241ff. Also cf. Mawdudi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 107: “Noreasonable person can deny that Pakistan was demanded and established in thename of Islam and for the sake of the revival of its glory. It is thus potentially anIslamic ideological state. And this being so, it must be recognized as an incontrovertiblefact that it is the state which should play a positive role in the establish-