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252 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6tacitly agreed to let the Hindus claim the site of the contested Baburi Masjid forthemselves: cf. Nadwi, Karwan, 5: 153f., for a refutation of this charge.116. On Hindu nationalism, see Daniel Gold, “Organized Hinduisms: FromVedic Truth to Hindu Nation,” in Fundamentalisms Observed, ed. Martin E.Marty <strong>and</strong> R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 531–93; Peter van der Veer, Religious Nationalism: Hindus <strong>and</strong> <strong>Muslim</strong>s in India(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Thomas Blom Hansen, The SaffronWave: Democracy <strong>and</strong> Hindu Nationalism in Modern India (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1999).117. Cf. Hasan, Legacy of a Divided Nation, 323: “The Indian state . . . hasbolstered the religio-political leadership. To swing the ‘<strong>Muslim</strong> vote,’ ruling <strong>and</strong>opposition parties p<strong>and</strong>er to their sentiments <strong>and</strong> readily accommodate them inpolitical structures through nomination, election <strong>and</strong> appointment. Thus RajivG<strong>and</strong>hi’s government ignored liberal <strong>Muslim</strong> opinion over the Shah Bano case tonegotiate with <strong>Muslim</strong> priests. On the Masjid-M<strong>and</strong>ir impasse too, men of religionwere propped up as the community’s sole spokesmen on the assumption thatthe ‘unenlightened hordes’ were receptive to their fatawa <strong>and</strong> decrees”; emphasisadded.118. Cf. Euben, Enemy in the Mirror, 85ff. <strong>and</strong> passim.119. Ibid., 85ff. <strong>and</strong> passim; the quotation is from p. 85.120. Ibid., 123–67.121. Ibid., 86.122. Taqi ‘Uthmani, “Bunyad-parasti aikgali ban chuki hai.” Also cf. Nadwi,Karwan, 5: 162ff.123. F<strong>and</strong>y, Saudi Arabia, 93.124. Zeghal, Gardiens, 340; translation mine.125. Thomas M. McKenna, <strong>Muslim</strong> Rulers <strong>and</strong> Rebels: Everyday Politics <strong>and</strong>Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1998), 213ff.; quotation is from p. 213.126. Ibid., 232; emphasis added. Martial law was imposed in 1972 by Ferdin<strong>and</strong>Marcos, the president of the Philippines. The <strong>Muslim</strong> rebellion in the southwas precipitated by this measure. Ibid., 3.127. My discussion of <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>and</strong> the ‘ulama in the southern Philippines islargely indebted to McKenna, <strong>Muslim</strong> Rulers <strong>and</strong> Rebels. For other studies, seeidem, “Appreciating <strong>Islam</strong> in the <strong>Muslim</strong> Philippines: Authority, Experience, <strong>and</strong>Identity in Cotabato,” in <strong>Islam</strong> in an Era of Nation-States, ed. Hefner <strong>and</strong> Horvatich,43–73; Michael O. Mastura, “Assessing the Madrasah as an EducationalInstitution: Implications for the Ummah,” in <strong>Muslim</strong> Filipino Experience (Manila:Ministry of <strong>Muslim</strong> Affairs, 1984), 93–107; Nagasura Madale, “The Resurgenceof <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>and</strong> Nationalism in the Philippines,” in <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>and</strong> Society in SoutheastAsia, ed. TaufikAbdullah <strong>and</strong> Sharon Siddique (Singapore: Institute of SoutheastAsian Studies, 1986), 282–314.128. This was part of Nasser’s competition with Saudi Arabia for influence inthe <strong>Islam</strong>ic world. Cf. Moustafa, “Conflict <strong>and</strong> Cooperation,” 7.129. McKenna, <strong>Muslim</strong> Rulers, 197–233. One of the resolutions passed at theFirst Congress on <strong>Muslim</strong> Education at Mindanao State University in MarawiCity in October 1980 was that “the existing Madaris [singular: madrasa] <strong>and</strong>

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