led people to hoard their gold <strong>an</strong>d silver, so that not onlywas none forthcoming to meet the dem<strong>an</strong>ds of the government,but- capital, which ought to have been employedproductively, was withdrawn from circulation, thus causingfor the time a general diminution of the resources of thecountry. As soon as the accession of Henry V had show11that the dyilasty was firmly established, abund<strong>an</strong>t suppliesDisturb- were at once at his comnl<strong>an</strong>dl. Another cause was the<strong>an</strong>ce ofcommerce. disturb<strong>an</strong>ce of commerce, <strong>an</strong>d consequent decline of thecustonls which followed the accession of Henry IV, owingpartly to the unsettled state of the relations <strong>between</strong>Engl<strong>an</strong>d <strong>an</strong>d Fr<strong>an</strong>ce" But the comn~ons could not be gotto believe in the poverty of the Government, <strong>an</strong>d Henrydid not dare to press for heavier taxation, for fear ofincreasing the already d<strong>an</strong>gerous amount of discontent.<strong>The</strong>un- In this way passed what the chronicler Hall has justlyquiet t~nleof~enry called ' the unquiet time of King Henry the Fourth.'1 ~ . Harassed as he was by enemies foreign <strong>an</strong>d domestic,deserted by m<strong>an</strong>y of the Lords, worried by the Commons,con~cious that he had lost the love of his people, jealous<strong>an</strong>d doubtful of his heir ; with a divided court <strong>an</strong>d brokenhealth, which his enemies regarded as a judgement uponhim, we c<strong>an</strong> hardly refuse him our sympathy, althoughwre may be of opinion that m<strong>an</strong>y of his troubles were selfcaused.<strong>The</strong> interest which he is said to have taken inthe solving of casuistical questions3, shows the morbidlines on which his burdened conscience was wearily working.<strong>The</strong>re is psychological if not historical truth in thestory that he expired with the sigh that God alone knewby what right he had obtained the crown4. It was ahrious choice that he should wish to be buried so nearthe m<strong>an</strong> whose son he had discrowned, if not done todeath.' S. C. H. iii. 87. S. C. H. iii. 65, note I.On this, <strong>an</strong>d on the general S Capgrave, Ill. Henr. pp. xxxiii,decline of Engl<strong>an</strong>d's maritime 109.power during the reigns of Henry * Monstrelet, ii. f. 164a, citedIV <strong>an</strong>d Henry VI, see notes to by Sharon Turner.chaps. \i. xrii. below, <strong>an</strong>d cf.<strong>The</strong> accession of Henry V was by no me<strong>an</strong>s his first .\ccessionappear<strong>an</strong>ce either as a statesm<strong>an</strong> or a warrior.He OfHenr~v.His previhadserved with distinction both in council <strong>an</strong>d in the oushistory.field, <strong>an</strong>d had received in both capacitics the th<strong>an</strong>ks ofparliament. He had had his own policy, <strong>an</strong>d his ownparty, who had urged him to claim the regency on theground that his father was incapacitated by the diseasefrom which he was suffering, which was said to be leprosy1.<strong>The</strong> words which Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Hisadv<strong>an</strong>tages.the dying Henry IV represent no more th<strong>an</strong> the literaltruth as to the adv<strong>an</strong>tages with which Henry V came tothe crown :'To thee it shall descend with better quiet,Better opinion, better confirmation;For all the soil of the achievement goesWith me into the earth2.'He reaped the benefit of <strong>an</strong> usurpation of which he hadnot shared the guilt. In accord<strong>an</strong>ce with these adv<strong>an</strong>tageshe adopted a policy almost ostentatiously conciliatory.Even the unjustifiable attack on Fr<strong>an</strong>ce may havebeen in part due to the same motive3. Only, if this washis idea, it was singularly falsified by the result. <strong>The</strong>causes which suspended for a time the outbreak of discord,did but make it the more intense when it came. And it is' I am inclined to think that Regiinine Principum, 111. ii. 15 :the above is the true account of a ' Guerra enim exterior tollit sediveryobscure tr<strong>an</strong>saction. Henry tiones et reddit cires magis un<strong>an</strong>i-Beaufort was said to have ' stired ' riles et concordes. Exemplumthe prince ' to have take ye gouver- enim hujus habemus in Rom<strong>an</strong>is,n<strong>an</strong>ce of yis Reume <strong>an</strong>d (of) ye quibus postquain defecerunt excrouneuppon hym ;' (so I would teriora bella intra se ipsos bellareconstrue the passage,) Rot. Parl. coeperunt.' 'For outward werreIv. 298 h ; cf. Sharon Turner, ii. aley)P inward strif, <strong>an</strong>d makeP362. Leprosy was a bar to the citeseyns be more acorded. Herdescentof real property ; Hardy, of we hauen ensample of theClose Rolls, I. xxxi. In Rymer, Romayns, for wh<strong>an</strong>ne hem failedexi. 635, is a certificate of the king's outward werre, thei by gunne tophysici<strong>an</strong>s that a certain person 1s haue werre among hemself.' MS.a leper, which is very interest- Digby, 233, fo. 142 c. To this'W yith reference to the nature of moti\e also Basin ascribes themedloval leprosy.warlike policy of Humphrey ofSecond Part of King Henry Gloucester. He too cites the15 Act iv. sc. 4. example of the Rom<strong>an</strong>s ; i. 189.Cf. Egidius Rom<strong>an</strong>us, De
3(n troduction,His reign only as developing causes, <strong>an</strong>d those evil causes, whichconst~tu-,ionallyun- hardly beg<strong>an</strong> to act until he had passed away, that theiml)oltalit. reign of Henry V has <strong>an</strong>y place in constitutional history.He did nothing perm<strong>an</strong>ent for the good of Engl<strong>an</strong>d, <strong>an</strong>dthe legacy which he left her was almost wholly evil : afalse ideal of foreign conquest <strong>an</strong>d aggression, a recklesscontempt for the rights <strong>an</strong>d feelings of other nations, <strong>an</strong>da restless incapacity for peace, in spite of exhaustion which<strong>The</strong>Sonth- had begun to show itself even in his own lifetime1. <strong>The</strong>amptonplot. llistory of the Southampton plot is characteristic of thehaste with which the L<strong>an</strong>castri<strong>an</strong>s sought to stifle <strong>an</strong>ythingwhich raised the d<strong>an</strong>gerous question of their title. <strong>The</strong>whole proceedings were so unconstitutional <strong>an</strong>d irregularthat they had to be specially legalized in the next Parlia-Beginning ment2. Even more noteworthy is the fact that 'this conortheWarsof spiracy was the first spark of the flame which in the courseIhrKores. of time consumed the two houses of L<strong>an</strong>caster <strong>an</strong>d York.Richard Earl of Cambridge was the father of KichardDuke of York, <strong>an</strong>d gr<strong>an</strong>dfather of Edward IV 3.'IICIIIYVI. But it was not till the house of L<strong>an</strong>caster had provedin the person of Henry V1 its entire incapacity to rule thekingdom, that the claims of the house of York were to beIIivisions put forward openly. '<strong>The</strong> troublous season of King Henry. the Sixth,' to use once more the words of Hall, may bedivided into three main periods: (I) from 1422 to 1437,the time of the minority proper 4 ; (2) from 1437 to 1450,the time of Henry's own attempt at governing with theaid of those who may from time to time have had theascend<strong>an</strong>cy with him; (3) from Cade's rising in 1450 to1461, the time of civil war. During the first of theseperiods the struggle is directly for preponder<strong>an</strong>ce in thecouncil, mainly <strong>between</strong> the adherents of Glouccster <strong>an</strong>d' That Henry's aggression \\,asdisapproved by some even of hisown subjects, see Gesta HenriciQuinti, p. xxxi ; cf. Pecock, liepressor,p. 516.Rot. Parl. iv. 64 ff. : ' utjudicia . . . pro bonis et legalibusjudiciis Itabere?ztur.'S Ellis,Historical Letters,lI.i.44.Henry did not legally come ofage till 1442, but from 1437 hebeg<strong>an</strong> to influence the course ofgovernment. See Rot. I'arl. v.438-9, which docu~nent may beregarded as marking the tr<strong>an</strong>sitionfrom the first to the second period.'Beaufort. During the second period the strugae is ratherfor influence with the king, for possession of the royal ear.~t first the contest as before is <strong>between</strong> Gloucester <strong>an</strong>dBeaufort. <strong>The</strong>n, when they disappear, it is <strong>between</strong> Suffolk,Somerset, <strong>an</strong>d Margaret on the one side, <strong>an</strong>d York <strong>an</strong>d hisadherents on the other. Owing to the unhappy weaknessof Henry both in will <strong>an</strong>d intellect, no party could feelsure of maintaining their ascend<strong>an</strong>cy with him, <strong>an</strong>d ofenjoying his support, unless they wholly monopolized hisear, <strong>an</strong>d excluded all other influences1. . Hence all theunconstitutional attempts of Margaret <strong>an</strong>d her partiz<strong>an</strong>sto keep first Gloucester <strong>an</strong>d then York from the royalpresence, which contributed largely to make the civil warinevitable. When that war broke out, the struggle forcomm<strong>an</strong>d of the king's person still continued; only it wasno longer carried on merely by intrigue <strong>an</strong>d party tactics,but depended for its issue upon the fate of battles.<strong>The</strong> marriage of Henry to Margaret of Anjou in 144.5 Henly'smar] iagewas a great misfortune not only to Engl<strong>an</strong>d 2, but also to disastlocs.the house of L<strong>an</strong>caster. By degrading the crown into <strong>an</strong>instrument of party warfare, she involved it in the ruin ofthe party of her choice 3. <strong>The</strong> death of Gloucester in 1447 Death ofGloucesterwas <strong>an</strong>other event which helped to bring matters to a <strong>an</strong>d I:enucrisis.Little good as he had done the house of L<strong>an</strong>caster fort.during his life, his death ~vas a very severe blow to it. Itcast <strong>an</strong> indelible suspicion on the existing government, <strong>an</strong>d1 'Pour ce que le roy Henry . . .?'a pas este . . . hommne tel que11 convenoit pour gouverner ungtel royaulme, chascun quy en aeu povoir s'est voullu enforchierd'en avoir le gouvernement,' &C.Waurin, ed. Uupont, ii. 282.a Gascoigne is especially strongon this point; e.g. pp. 203 ff.,219 ff.t Coliimynes remarksvery justlyOn the disastrous effect of this par-tiz<strong>an</strong> attitude of Margaret. SheOught, he says, to have acted asmediator bet~een the two parties,alld not to have identified herselfwith either ; Liv. vi. c. 12. Chastellainsays of her : '?'U as estCennemye trop tost et trop alnye hpeu y penser ; et sy te a port6gr<strong>an</strong>t gr~ef ton hayr, et ton aimerpeu de profit ;' vii. 129 f. Hemakes her confess that she hasbeen the ruin of Engl<strong>an</strong>d ; ib. 102.Cf. Bacon, Of Sectitions a dTroz~bles : ' When the Authorityof Princes is made but <strong>an</strong> Accessaryto a Cause, <strong>an</strong>d that there beother B<strong>an</strong>ds that tie faster th<strong>an</strong>the B<strong>an</strong>d of Sovereignty, Kingsbegin to be put almost out ofpossession.' Cf. id. Of Faction.
- Page 1 and 2: OTHER WISE CALLEDThe Difference bet
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sithpn thai had a kynge, wich was G
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that cause and for gret necessite w
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such meane. And yet of necessite th
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and sqviers, and oper, in also gret
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or by lande, pe kyng most encomptre
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grettest lordes off Englond, rose a
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as hynl liste. And by discente per
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haue wherwith to bie hem bowes, arr
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Ther is no man hanged in Scotlande
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e kyng be counsellyd to restrayne g
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pe Romans, but also is hyghnes shal
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muned and del~bered with his fforsa
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CRITICAL NOTES.CHAPTER I.P. 109. 1.
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Bfbe bobernance of QEnfiian'tr,CHAP
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1. 24. parcial] parcialite L (from
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for granting taxes was the same as
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moral philosophy, but consists of a
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are brought about by the sin of man
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note$+ QLbap. ii,regendo: non autem
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note$+ CCbap, ii,up in the most une
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Later statutes fixed the limit of l
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&be bobernanre of QEngIanD*applied
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of the household of George Duke of
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RgidiusRumanus.. . . homines sibi s
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note see Janet, i. 35 1-373, 396,42
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'Ordinaryand extraordinaryexpenditu
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p----p---3723ESTIMATED EXPENDITURE.
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pestifera.' Very possibly Fortescue
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i the clerkys off theschekquer.] Be
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eciting how 'the seid Duc . . . lat
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was defined by Parliament in 4 Edwa
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punish ' piratas et spoliatores mer
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marchandyse is lost, . . . the see
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Transition pensiononmg, as it was d
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@Lbap+ bii,commiscomissioners in gr
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ap1-0,Bterc,cjzt4IjAnd on the other
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Charleshlartel.Fall of theCarolingi
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the Abbey of S. Albons' (July: Past
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York, married Constance and Isabell
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Taxon France, ii. 526, 533-4, 547,
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499 b). And no less than ~o,ooo mar
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which was probably in Fortescue's m
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holders of such grants are however
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286 Cbe Booernance of Qngianb.exter
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teristic of the Lancastrian times,
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such a contenuall counsell.] ' The
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character which the council might p
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which can not counsele hym' (Append
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306 &be bobernance of QEnglanD.'whe
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Sicque horum mediis concessit tande
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Ebe bobernance of QEngland.qualific
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Controlof the exchanges.Jealousyof
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during good behaviour. The Master o
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Cbe Qiobernance of QEngIand,says: '
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should be Justice, Chamberlain, Cha
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Offices per- system of executing of
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Defined by (e.g. Rot. Parl. v. 2 73
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have been detailed in the notes to
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of Sir Harris Nicolas there). This
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iiij. lordis temporelx, or in lasse
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y a pretensed title, saying he ys d
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'every broker, brogger, andhuckster
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suffre, suffer, 152. 14 ; soeffre,
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Cade, rising of, pp. 11, 284; hisco
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~ .-.~--hopes entertained of him, p
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Franchise, question of, in medizval
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Loans raised by the government,pp.
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Pisa, Council of, p. 243. .Pitt, se