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The Difference between an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy

The Difference between an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy

The Difference between an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy

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it tr<strong>an</strong>sferred the position of heir-presumptive <strong>an</strong>d leader ofthe opposition to a m<strong>an</strong> whose abilities were far greaterth<strong>an</strong> those of Gloucester, while his interests were diametricallyopposed to those of the house of L<strong>an</strong>caster, instead ofbeing identical with them. A few weeks later died CardinalBeaufort, <strong>an</strong>d the stage was thus cleared for younger actors.Somerset <strong>an</strong>d York were both absent from Engl<strong>an</strong>d, <strong>an</strong>dMinistry of Suffolk was omnipotent at court. He showed a rigorousdetermination to exclude not merely from power, but evenfrom the king's presence, all but those who were prepared tobe the subservient ministers of his will l. <strong>The</strong> same policywas pursued with reference to the local administrationz.<strong>The</strong> reaction caused by this arrog<strong>an</strong>ce <strong>an</strong>d partiality, <strong>an</strong>dHis im- the ill-success of his foreign policy 3, proved his ruin. Bypeachment.1450 the popular. indignation could no longer be restrained,<strong>an</strong>d his impeachment was resolved on by the Commons.<strong>The</strong> ultimate decision of the question is <strong>an</strong> inst<strong>an</strong>ce of atendency, which appears more th<strong>an</strong> once in this time ofTendency weakness <strong>an</strong>d decline of true political life; the tendency,to shi~kconstito- namely, to throw the responsibility for questionable actionstional re- upon the crown, <strong>an</strong>d so to shift it from the shoulders of thosesponsibi-Iity. who constitutionally ought to bear it. At the time ofHenry's marriage the Lords protested that the king hadbeen moved to the thought of peace ' onely by oure Lorde,'<strong>an</strong>d not by 'the Lordes, or other of your suggettes4.' Sonow the king, 'by his owue advis, <strong>an</strong>d not reportyng hymto thy advis of his Lordes, nor by wey of judgement,'' Even the sermons preachedbefore the king were subjected to arigorous censorship ; Gascoigne,p. 191 ; cf. Gregory, pp. xxiii, 203.Rot. Parl. v. 181 b, <strong>an</strong>d notesto Chap. xvii, below.SCf. Gascoigne, p. 219 : ' Et sicfacta est alienacio ... predictarumterrarum . . . sine aliqua pacefinali conclusa . .. inter illa duoregna.' Henry's subsequent protestthat the cession of Maine wasonly made in consideration of asecure peace (Rymer, xi. 204,March IS, 1448) was, in the faceof the actual facts, not worth theparchment it was written on. <strong>The</strong>same may be said of the declarationof Suffolk's loyalty ; Rot.Parl. v. 447 b.* Rot. Parl. v. 102 b. <strong>The</strong> sametendency appears in the PrivyCouncil. See the case of Somerset'sapplication for a gr<strong>an</strong>t, citedin the notes to Chap. xix. below.In the challenge which Henry Vsent to the Dauphin in 1415, it isstated that none of his counsellorshad dared to counsel him in sohigh a matter ; Rymer, ix. 313.b<strong>an</strong>ished Suffolk for five years, the Lords protesting thatthis ' proceded not by their advis <strong>an</strong>d counsell, but wasdoon by the kynges. - owne deme<strong>an</strong>aunce <strong>an</strong>d rule l.' In allthese cases the Lords ought, if they approved of what wasdone, to have accepted their share of the responsibility, or,if they disapproved, they should have fr<strong>an</strong>kly opposed it.<strong>The</strong>ir actual course was a piece of political cowardice. <strong>The</strong>whole proceedings in the case of Suffolk were most uncon-&utional, a flagr<strong>an</strong>t evasion of the right of the Commonsto bring <strong>an</strong> accused minister to trial before the House ofLords" <strong>The</strong> idea of Henry was no doubt to find a compromisewhereby the Commons might be satisfied, <strong>an</strong>d yetSuffolk might be saved. He failed egregiously in both.Suffolk was murdered at sea, <strong>an</strong>d this gave the signal forall the mischief that followed. <strong>The</strong> Commons of Kent rose Rising orunder Cade, complaining, among other things, that ' the Cade.fals traytur Pole that was as fals as Fortager (Vortigern). . . apechyd by all the h011 comyns of Ingelond, . . .myght not be suffryd to dye as ye law wolde3.'<strong>The</strong> rising of Cade was but the climax of a processwhich had long been going on. <strong>The</strong> government hadgradually been losing all hold upon the country, <strong>an</strong>d inthe general paralysis of the central administration localdisorder had increased to a frightful extent4. <strong>The</strong> causes Causes otgovel n-of these 'troubles <strong>an</strong>d debates5' are precisely those evilsagainst which Fortescue's proposed reforms are mainly weakness.Rot. Parl. v. 183.This right was not in theslightest degree affected by Suffolk'sresignation of his privilegesas a peer.S Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles,p. 95. According to Basin,i. 25 I - 2, Somerset f<strong>an</strong>ned thePopular indignation against Suffolk,in order to divert attentionfroin his own military failures.<strong>The</strong> year 1443 e.g. seems tohave been specially troublous.rhere were disputes <strong>between</strong> theEarl of Northumberl<strong>an</strong>d <strong>an</strong>dKemp the Archbishop of York,P. P. C. v. 309, cf. ib. 268-9, 273 ;<strong>between</strong> Lord Grey of Ruthin <strong>an</strong>dthe town of Northampton, ib. 305 ;<strong>between</strong> S. Mary's Abbey, York,<strong>an</strong>d the Corporation of that city,ib. 225, 232 ; <strong>between</strong> FountainsAbbey <strong>an</strong>d Sir John Neville, ib.241 : there were rists at Salisbury,ib. 247-8 ; <strong>an</strong>d in London, ib.277-8. In 1437 the whole countrywas so disturbed that copies of theStatute of Winchester were sent toall the sheriffs, with orders for itsenforcement ; ib. 83.See below, Chap. xvii.

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