The same conclusion is reached by a UNDPstudy of development trends in the last four decades,as reflected in the Human Development Index (HDI)since 1970: “We find that 110 of the 111 countriesshow progress in their HDI levels over a 35-yearperiod. HDI growth is fastest for low-HDI and middle-HDI countries in the pre-1990 period.” 3Not surprisingly, this is the same conclusion of<strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong>’s own analysis of the Basic CapabilitiesIndex, which combines some key MDG indicators(see the figures in this same report): While the keysocial indicators still show progress, its improvementdecelerates after 2000.And those findings are consistent with the reportsfrom the grassroots. In Nigeria, for example,the local watchers observe that “civil society organizationshave pointed out that practically all projectsfocused on achieving the Millennium DevelopmentGoals (MDGs) are lagging behind.”The official positive spin on the MDG assessmentsrelies mainly on the World Bank figures forGoal 1. Defining and measuring poverty by incomealone, the World Bank comes to the conclusion thatthe number of people living under extreme povertyline of USD 1.25 a day decreased from 1.9 billionin 1981 to 1.4 billion in 2005, when the last internationalsurvey was conducted. 4Brazil, Vietnam and particularly China accountfor most of that reduction. In fact, in China alone,the number of people under that line decreased from835.1 million in 1981 to 207.7 million in 2005. Areduction of 627 million in China, while in the sameperiod the world reduction was 500 million, meansthat outside China, poverty increased in that periodby more than 127 million people.In fact, according to the <strong>2010</strong> progress reportby the Secretary-General of the United Nations, thenumber of people under the $1 a day poverty line“went up by 92 million in sub-Saharan Africa andby 8 million in West Asia during the period 1990 to2005.” Further, “the poverty situation is more seriouswhen other dimensions of poverty, acknowledgedat the 1995 World Summit for <strong>Social</strong> Development,such as deprivation, social exclusion and lack ofparticipation, are also considered.” 5 And those figuresrefer to 2005, when an international survey onhousehold incomes was conducted that allowed the3 George Gray Molina and Mark Purser, “Human DevelopmentTrends since 1970: A <strong>Social</strong> Convergence Story, “HumanDevelopment Research Paper <strong>2010</strong>/02, UNDP, , <strong>2010</strong>.4 Martin Ravallion, and Shaohua Chen, “The developing worldis poorer than we thought but no less successful in the fightagainst poverty,” World Bank, 2008; see also UN, MillenniumDevelopment Goals <strong>Report</strong>s, 2009, <strong>2010</strong>.5 Keeping the promise: a forward-looking review to promotean agreed action agenda to achieve the MillenniumDevelopment Goals by 2015, <strong>Report</strong> of the Secretary-General, February <strong>2010</strong>].establishment of the PPP (Parity Purchasing Powerof the different national currencies, used to adjustthe poverty line).Since 2005, according to the World Bank, thefood crisis and the global financial crisis have sentat least another 100 million people under the povertyline. From a grassroots perspective, this is summarizedby the Senegalese <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> report in a fewdramatic words: “Poverty is spreading, and is alsobecoming feminized and is mostly rural.”More aid is needed, but is nowhere to befoundMany <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> national coalitions in povertystricken countries come to the conclusion that theonly way to achieve the internationally agreed goalsby 2015 is through more aid from the internationalcommunity.This is the case reported by <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong>-Benin, where the government resources are constrainedby external and internal debt and foreigndirect investment is not flowing in at the requiredvolume, and pays no taxes when it does, leaving thecountry at the mercy of foreign donors to pay forbadly needed basic social services. And similarly inTanzania, where the local report finds that “the effortsof the Government to improve the lives of Tanzanianshave been in vain, primarily due to the lackof commitment on strategies both at the nationaland international levels: ODA disbursement is oftenlate and does not go with the Tanzanian nationalbudget process.”In the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) theinflow of aid has created what the national <strong>Social</strong><strong>Watch</strong> report calls “apparent improvement” in theWest Bank economy, but the overall picture remains“fragile”, particularly in the Gaza Strip where the continuedIsraeli siege and blockade undermine prospectsfor development, perpetuating a deepeninghumanitarian crisis. Since 2007, when the blockadeof Gaza was imposed, extreme poverty has tripledin Gaza, which is probably the most aid-dependentarea in the world, with over 80% of the populationrelying on food aid.Afghanistan, another conflict-affected country,is the second top aid recipient (after Iraq), but stillthe local social-watchers conclude that “more andbetter aid is imperative,” since conditionalities associatedwith development assistance and the practiceof tying aid to only buying from the donor countryor hiring donor’s nationals as consultants erodesthe usefulness of the grants. Much more money isspent in the war in Afghanistan than in helping peopleand since “nearly all the major donors are alsobelligerents; there is no space to talk about humanitarianism.”Meanwhile in Somalia, also torn by warring factions,the reluctance of donors to deal with eitherregional armed groups or the national authoritieshas created a situation where “resources from piracyare almost as significant as those coming from theEuropean Commission.” In Somalia’s gender-biasedsociety, war and poverty hit women the hardest andhard working civil society organizations like thosethat report through <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> struggle againstdesperation to preserve community links as a basisfor any future reconstructions efforts.Peace is a pre-condition, but it is not enough. InLebanon, the national <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> report observesthat “since 1992 the post-war financial architecturehas combined expansionary reconstruction policieswith restrictive monetarist ones, leaving narrow fiscalspaces for socio-economic development.” Themain conclusion is that, in order to respond to thepriorities of reducing poverty and discrimination,“development should be rights-based.”The case of Guatemala shows that, in the opinionof the local watchers, if structural problems ofinequality of wealth and income distribution arenot addressed, it is “difficult to develop an effectivefight against hunger, which continues to representa systematic violation of human rights in the country.Thus, the impact of development aid has beenslight, particularly as regards the poverty reductionstrategy, the peace program and the fulfilment of theMillennium Development Goals (MDGs).”In Cameroon the “watchers” have joined othercivil society organizations in demanding for themanagement of international aid to become moreefficient, by improving coordination, involving citizensand taking gender into account. And similarlyin Morocco, while ODA is “scant,” it faces majorimplementation problems by the lack of concertedefforts between the Government and civil societyorganizations, particularly in the priority area ofeducation.A major “acceleration” in the progress towardsthe MDGs, as requested by international organizations,seems very unlikely, considering that in spiteof all evidence of its being badly needed, developmentassistance has not increased substantiallyin the last decade and is likely to be reduced as aconsequence of the crisis. Thus, in Germany, whileChancellor Angela Merkel insists that “we are, and remain,committed to achieving the Millennium DevelopmentGoals for Africa” as a “moral responsibility,”her Development Minister, Dirk Niebel, commentsthat “there would be no way we could achieve an ODAratio of 0.51% in just one year” as committed by theEU. Germany’s ODA contributions in 2009 were USD2 billion less than in 2008.Development Assistance also went down inPoland, even when it was already very low, as wellas in Spain, reversing a recent trend to increase it.Due to the financial crisis, the promise of Portugal tomaintain its level of aid is judged as “questionable”6 <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong>
y the local watchers. Bulgaria is also falling short onmeeting the targets or ensuring the quality of its assistance.Much worse is the situation in Italy, wherein spite of its G8 presidency last year, the Governmentis “dismantling” its development cooperation.Some countries like Malta, which showed positivefigures, are shown by the local watchers as engagedin creative accounting, by adding to the reportedODA resources spent locally to support migrantsand refugees. Other countries, such as Slovenia have“neither a strategy for development cooperation nora system to evaluate aid efficiency.” And, on top ofthis, the commitments “will be difficult to upholdin the current situation, with national budget cuts inalmost every sector.”Finland seems to be one of the few exceptions,since the new Development Policy Program has introduceda remarkable shift. Yet, the Finnish watchersstill report it lacks a “focus on social developmentand social rights” plus the danger that keepingpercentage commitments might still result in a decreaseof the absolute numbers, due to the shrinkingeconomy. The best reported results in this regardare those of Switzerland, where after much publiccampaigning the Government has finally presentedin June <strong>2010</strong> a proposal to increase Swiss ODA.South-South cooperation is the source of manyhopes in this context, where emerging economiesare seen as new alternative markets and also newsources of aid. Yet, <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> India notes that inits behavior as donor India “attaches the same conditionsto its external aid that it refuses to accept as arecipient country, typically linking assistance to thepurchase of Indian goods and services.”Since foreign aid can at best complement thenational efforts to achieve basic dignity for all, asrequested by the MDGs and the human rights obligationsof all countries, where are the resources goingto come from? Many developing countries want toattract Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) to help meettheir development objectives.Yet, in times of crisis FDI tends to behave, likeODA, in a pro-cyclical way. This is the case in Serbia,where the local social-watchers report that “theflow of Foreign Direct Investments has slowed as aconsequence of the global financial crisis, makingthe economy more fragile and unstable. Anti-crisismeasures are based on taking out new loans fromthe international financial institutions and cuttingpublic expenditure on education, health care andpensions–all of which risk pushing even more peopleinto poverty.”Foreign investment is a double-edged swordThe watchers in Zambia have found that FDI “hasplayed an increasingly important role in the country’seconomy, rehabilitating the copper industry andboosting production and exports of non-traditionalproducts and services. However, this investment hasnot been used effectively to promote developmentand reduce poverty. Instead, it is contributing to anerosion of people’s rights, including developmentrights, the right to food, education, a clean environmentand women’s participation in political decisionmaking.”Similarly in Nigeria, the impact of foreigninvestment “is not yet being felt by the poor. Legislationfavouring FDI should be accompanied bymechanisms that guarantee transparency. Despitethe Government’s allocation of financial and otherresources to combat poverty, the sad fact is thatpoverty has continued to grow at a fast pace overthe last 15 years.”In Bolivia, “Foreign Direct Investments does notgenerate better conditions (…) since this systemtakes more money out of (the country) than it generatesin domestic economy.”In Uganda, the Government hopes to attractinvestor and at the same time increase citizen participationand control over public affairs by integratingInformation and Communication Technologies(ICT) into their development management as well asinto a variety of areas of social life. The local NGOsreport through <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> that “if the Governmentwants to bring about a real improvement of livingconditions, its effort should be consistent with povertyreduction strategies and investments in humandevelopment.”In many places, instead of being complementary,the same policies that should make the countryattractive to foreign investors make it vulnerable toforeign shocks and destroy the social fabric. “TheGovernment’s belief that it is possible to reduce povertyand inequality while at the same time embracingthe neoliberal agenda has proven not only unrealisticbut also imprudent,” conclude the watchers inCroatia, where recession in 2009 nullified severalyears of social improvements.The watchers in Hungary reach a similar conclusion:“Despite the fact that it was the first country inEastern Europe to adopt International Monetary Fundprescriptions in 1982 and that it was more highly developedthan its neighbours when it embraced a marketeconomy, Hungary is now the weakest economyin the region” and “wavers between potential socialupheaval – if a change of direction is not made – andthe total collapse of a very vulnerable economy. Thephantom of right-wing extremism lurks in the background,fed by popular discontent.”In India, the national <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> coalition observesthat “FDI is also adding to the ‘jobless growth’phenomenon” and “even though FDI inflows haveincreased over the years, its ability to deliver genuine(and inclusive) financing for development remains indoubt. In order to make sure it benefits the countryas a whole, including domestic businesses and localcommunities, the country’s economic structuresmust facilitate the creation of the enabling environmentneeded to promote greater FDI spillover effects,both to domestic business and to local communities.”Mother Nature, another victimThe environment has been a victim of the crisis asmuch as the social sector. In Germany, according toWorld Wildlife Fund, only six out of the 32 stimulusmeasures had a positive impact on the environment,and just 13% of them can be considered sustainable.In Bahrein, the country’s rapid development that willallow it to meet most of the MDG targets “has beenreached at the cost of the environment” accordingto the local social-watchers. “Biodiversity loss is onthe rise. Green palm trees, for example, have beenreplaced by concrete complexes” and the claiming ofland for urban development “from the sea at the expenseof bays, lagoons and beaches (…) has causedthe destruction of natural habitats and the extinctionof many marine species.”In Thailand also, the local <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> coalitionis concerned about the high environmental cost ofpolicies striving for industrialization at any cost. Evenworse is the case of Bangladesh, “a minuscule polluter(but) an enormous victim of global warming”and of the financial crisis. Both of them originate inthe richest countries and affect the most the peoplethat live in poverty and had no blame or part in creatingthem.Taxation and representationSometimes the strategies to deal with the crisis attemptto “export the problem” and obtain short termbenefits making others pay. In the Czech Republic,the watchers’ report that society is “riddled with corruption”and “deeply affected by inequality, discrimination,racism and segregation.” At the same time,“exports of weapons are on the rise in contradictionof the official foreign policy goals of supporting humanrights and development and assisting with humanitarianaid.” In Finland, civil society groups findthat official development assistance is frequentlysupporting Finnish investments abroad, which oftenhave “negative impacts on human development” inthe poor parts of the world.At the receiving end of those wrong aid and financialpolicies, a country like Ghana is found by thelocal <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong> report to be dependent “on foreignaid and international financial institutions over the lastthree decades or more.” The result has been “massunemployment, huge balance of payments deficitsand low manufacturing and agricultural output.”While the 1992 constitution “provides the legal basisand specific policies to enhance the welfare and protectionof women and children, (…) the Government’sminimal investment in education, health, water re-<strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong>7
- Page 3: SOCIAL WATCH REPORT 2010
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- Page 9 and 10: Centro de Estudios y Acción para e
- Page 11 and 12: • Suriname:Equality & Equity, bak
- Page 13 and 14: Social Watch: promoting accountabil
- Page 15 and 16: coordinate activities in horizontal
- Page 17 and 18: Table of ContentsDear Leader,......
- Page 19 and 20: Dear Leader,We know You are a most
- Page 21: After the fall: a New Deal is imper
- Page 25 and 26: social development goals. In Colomb
- Page 27: THEMATIC REPORTSSocial Watch11 tema
- Page 30 and 31: Unfortunately not many countries of
- Page 33 and 34: Gender in times of crisis: new deve
- Page 35 and 36: UN Women born: can it meet the poli
- Page 37 and 38: Global climate: the Copenhagen coll
- Page 39: varying from country to country, in
- Page 42 and 43: in this direction and may contribut
- Page 45 and 46: Privatizing European development fi
- Page 47 and 48: for developing countries in times o
- Page 49 and 50: The Treaty of Lisbon and the new pe
- Page 51: in 2005 to USD 15.4 billion in 2009
- Page 54 and 55: faced famine and malnutrition, a si
- Page 57: MEASURING PROGRESS
- Page 60 and 61: BCI EVOLUTION BY COUNTRYCountryBCI2
- Page 62 and 63: worst performers. At the top end of
- Page 64 and 65: GEI values in 2009Country GEI 2009
- Page 66 and 67: PUBLIC EXPENDITURE: the governments
- Page 68 and 69: Public health expenditure(% of GDP)
- Page 70 and 71: STATUS OF RATIFICATIONS OF INTERNAT
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atifications of fundamental ILO Con
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100AfghanistanMore and better aid i
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argentinaFinancial and taxation jus
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ArmeniaGender equality: history mus
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ahrain10051Much to be done100931005
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angladeshFinancing the MDGs: expect
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eninNo development without aidBenin
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oliviaThe wealth does not reach the
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BRAZILClouds on the horizonThe fast
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ulgariaFinance for development in t
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urma100100100875252No development w
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CameroonAid must be more efficientl
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canada100100s/dPost-crisis developm
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CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC10097Many o
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98CHILE10056No sustainable developm
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98100colombiaInsufficient policies7
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100Costa Rica10096Health for all: 3
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CROATIAAn uncertain scenario100071A
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cyprus100100 94An opportunity for a
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88100czech republicFurther cutbacks
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EGYPT10010010093The rough road 38 t
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100el salvador100 9348Vulnerability
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ERITREA100 100Held hostage by its o
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FinlandAid and economic relations s
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FranceReviving the original MDGs sp
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germany59Neglecting the poor and th
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ghanaMDGs remain elusive5683Ghana
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99100GUATEMALAFood security: the ch
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HondurasFar from the MDGs but near
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100hungary100 9510056Neoliberal’s
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india10056Emerging trends in financ
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indONESIAMore is needed100951004300
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iraq100Persistent gender-based viol
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italy10010099The dismantling of dev
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kenya100 95A victim of skewed power
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lebanon10054A new set of goals is n
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99malaysia53Some progress, multiple
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malta1001009776Measuring the real c
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100mexico100Unequal progress073The
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MoldovaCritical daysThe political a
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97MOROCCONot enough aid and very sl
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nepal10010087s/dThe need for a new
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100NicaraguaThe (limited) time of t
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Nigeria100The quest for foreign dir
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PALESTINEThe mirage of economic gro
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100paraguayGrowth should follow soc
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peruMore money but the same social
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poland10082Aid for development with
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portugalAssistance for development
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Senegal100More challenges than prog
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99serbia100No strategy to counter e
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96100slovakiaThe tiger is limping02
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sloveniaThe MDGs: a very distant ta
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somalia100s/dAt the mercy of pirate
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spainChanging (for worse)The Govern
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7381100SurinameBig challenges ahead
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Switzerland61Stagnating ODA and fad
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8574100tanzania43MDGs: an under-fun
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95100thailand62Time to rethink indu
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uganda100100100954747Information an
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100united states of americaBold act
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Uruguay10010047Social policies need
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100VENEZUELAs/dA new way to make th
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yemenOil is not enough10099100530Ye
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zambia100100100965343Foreign direct
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APPENDIX
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19. We resolve further:• To halve
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Made possible thanks to the funding