Providing people with informati<strong>on</strong> about what to do, where togo, and when to appear, all dem<strong>on</strong>strate respect for both thosepeople and for their right to have their problems handled fairlyby the courts. Brochures or web sites explaining court procedures,as well as aids such as help desks are found to be valuable.Trust. Studies of legal and political authorities c<strong>on</strong>sistentlyshow that the central attribute that influences public evaluati<strong>on</strong>sof legal authorities is an assessment of the character ofthe decisi<strong>on</strong> maker. The key elements in this evaluati<strong>on</strong>involve issues of sincerity and caring. People infer whetherthey feel that court pers<strong>on</strong>nel, such as judges, are listening toand c<strong>on</strong>sidering their views; are being h<strong>on</strong>est and open aboutthe basis for their acti<strong>on</strong>s; are trying to do what is right forevery<strong>on</strong>e involved; and are acting in the interests of the parties,not out of pers<strong>on</strong>al prejudices.THE INFLUENCE OF PROCEDURAL CONCERNSUsing the data collected in the study of pers<strong>on</strong>al experienceswith the courts discussed above, it is possible to examinethe influence of the four antecedents of procedural justicethat have just been outlined. An analysis of the four factorsc<strong>on</strong>sidered at the same time suggests that neutrality, trust, andrespect directly shape overall evaluati<strong>on</strong>s of procedural justice,but that voice does not. However, an analysis that allows bothdirect and indirect influences, shown in Figure 1, indicatesthat voice is indirectly important because it shapes neutrality,trust, and respect. An analysis that c<strong>on</strong>siders both direct andindirect influences at the same time, shown in Table 2, indicatesthat all four factors matter. Interestingly, neither outcomefavorability nor outcome fairness directly influencesoverall procedural justice judgments. The willingness toaccept court decisi<strong>on</strong>s, in other words, was about the proceduresused to reach those decisi<strong>on</strong>s, not the decisi<strong>on</strong>s themselves.DESIGN IMPLICATIONSThe courts are not a store, so “customer satisfacti<strong>on</strong>” is nottheir primary goal. Their goal is to fairly resolve c<strong>on</strong>flicts andaccurately administer the law. However, the courts need totake people’s c<strong>on</strong>cerns seriously, since the courts have the taskof c<strong>on</strong>flict resoluti<strong>on</strong> and whether people will accept theirdecisi<strong>on</strong>s matters. Further, whether people feel that justice hasbeen achieved is central to their trust and c<strong>on</strong>fidence in thecourt system.A beginning point for dealing with people’s c<strong>on</strong>cerns is therecogniti<strong>on</strong> that people come to court about issues that areimportant to them, irrespective of the strength of their legalcase. Legal authorities can communicate that their decisi<strong>on</strong>sreflect a sincere effort to reas<strong>on</strong>ably apply the law to theseproblems and therefore ought to be accepted and followed in avariety of ways. Authorities can provide evidence that they arelistening to people and c<strong>on</strong>sidering their arguments by givingpeople a reas<strong>on</strong>able chance to state their case, by paying attenti<strong>on</strong>when people are making that presentati<strong>on</strong>, and byacknowledging and taking account of people’s needs and c<strong>on</strong>cernswhen explaining their decisi<strong>on</strong>s. This is true even if theauthorities cannot accept those arguments and give peoplewhat they feel they deserve.SUMMARYWe live in an era of scarce resources and high levels of mistrust.<strong>Procedural</strong> justice approaches provide a mechanism formanaging c<strong>on</strong>flicts that produces authoritative decisi<strong>on</strong>s whilesustaining, and even building, trust and c<strong>on</strong>fidence in thecourts and the law.Tom R. Tyler, Ph.D., is a University Professor atNew York University. He teaches in the psychologydepartment and the law school. Hisresearch explores the dynamics of authority ingroups, organizati<strong>on</strong>s, and societies. In particular,he examines the role of judgments aboutthe justice or injustice of group procedures inshaping legitimacy, compliance and cooperati<strong>on</strong>.He is the author of several books, including The SocialPsychology of <strong>Procedural</strong> Justice (1988), Trust inOrganizati<strong>on</strong>s (1996), Social Justice in a Diverse Society(1997), Cooperati<strong>on</strong> in Groups (2000), Trust in the Law(2002), and Why People Obey the Law (2006).This article is based up<strong>on</strong> presentati<strong>on</strong>s to the Californiac<strong>on</strong>ference <strong>on</strong> court management (September, 2007) and tothe Federal Judicial Center’s annual training meetings forbankruptcy judges (June and August, 2008).AMERICAN JUDGES ASSOCIATIONFUTURE CONFERENCES2009 Midyear MeetingSanibel Island, FloridaMay 14-16Sundial Beach Resort$145 single/double2009 Annual C<strong>on</strong>ferenceLas Vegas, NevadaSeptember 13-18The Golden NuggetRate to be determined2010 Midyear MeetingTucs<strong>on</strong>, Ariz<strong>on</strong>aMay 19-21Loews Ventana Cany<strong>on</strong> Resort$179 single/double2010 Annual C<strong>on</strong>ferenceDenver, ColoradoWestin Tabor CenterOctober 3-8$205 single/doubleCourt Review - Volume 44 31
C ESSAY<strong>Procedural</strong> <strong>Fairness</strong> as aCourt Reform AgendaDavid B. RottmanThis essay reflects <strong>on</strong> the ways in which procedural fairnesscan provide the directi<strong>on</strong> for a revived court reformagenda. All previous eras of court reform were guided bya theory drawn either from academia or the field of management.<strong>Procedural</strong> fairness, in my view, is the organizing theoryfor which 21 st Century court reform has been waiting.Past eras of court reform accomplished a great deal. In 1950,there were 826 trial courts in California. Today, 58 trialcourts—<strong>on</strong>e per county—hear all manners of cases. 1Management theories drawn from the business field providedthe blueprint for court reform by (a) simplifying trial courtstructure though c<strong>on</strong>solidati<strong>on</strong>, (b) centralizing management,(c) replacing local court funding with state funding under acentralized budget, and (d) centralizing rulemaking.By the 1970s, a more flexible approach to reform emerged,<strong>on</strong>e that sought to optimize court performance by matching acourt’s organizati<strong>on</strong> with the broader socio-political c<strong>on</strong>text inwhich it operates. The inspirati<strong>on</strong> was new developments in thesociology and social psychology of organizati<strong>on</strong>s. “C<strong>on</strong>tingencyTheory” views organizati<strong>on</strong>s as open systems resp<strong>on</strong>ding tospecific envir<strong>on</strong>ments. This was translated by judges, courtadministrators, and c<strong>on</strong>sultants, into a reform program seeking“decentralized coordinati<strong>on</strong>” that encouraged innovati<strong>on</strong>.Subsequent theory-driven influences <strong>on</strong> court reform included“Total Quality Management,” expressed as court performancestandards adopted for both trial and appellate courts bynati<strong>on</strong>al court leadership organizati<strong>on</strong>s in the 1990s.THE LIMITS OF TRADITIONAL COURT REFORMA 1977 nati<strong>on</strong>al survey was designed to c<strong>on</strong>firm thatcourt reform had increased public trust in and support for thestate courts. The Public Image of the Courts Survey oversampledresidents of three states regarded by experts as havingundertaken significant court reforms in recent decades, andthree that had not. The results were disheartening: People inthe reforming states were no more likely to be aware of recentchanges in the court system than were people in the n<strong>on</strong>reformingstates; they also were no more supportive of theircourts. 2 C<strong>on</strong>solidating courts, centralizing court management,and implementing state funding did not res<strong>on</strong>ate with the publicor even penetrate their awareness.The State of Utah in the early 1990s carried out a fascinatingexperiment. The backdrop to the effort was a solid 20 yearsof court reform in Utah that brought about significant unificati<strong>on</strong>of the states courts and heightened the authority of thechief justice, and established a judicial council through a c<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>alamendment. A justice system reporter from a majornewspaper took a leave of absence to write a series of in-deptharticles <strong>on</strong> issues relating to the courts. Over a <strong>on</strong>e-year period,televisi<strong>on</strong> and radio stati<strong>on</strong>s aired stories and public-serviceannouncements relating to the courts, including four documentaries.An opini<strong>on</strong> survey was c<strong>on</strong>ducted in 1990 andrepeated in 1991. There was no detectable change in the public’sopini<strong>on</strong> of the state court system. 3More generally, 33 state specific surveys and six nati<strong>on</strong>al surveys<strong>on</strong> public opini<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the courts since 1977 do not recorda significant change in how the public views the state courts.The expected payoff of higher levels of public trust and supportfor the state courts never really materialized from these reformprograms. Courts became more businesslike and efficient, andmore adaptable, but reform failed to address the core c<strong>on</strong>cernsof litigants, jurors, and others who enter the courthouse.<strong>Procedural</strong> fairness, in c<strong>on</strong>trast, offers the judiciary a reformprogram that strengthens the c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between the judiciaryand the public. The promise of that program is that it will organizethe work of the courts in a way that generates satisfacti<strong>on</strong>,trust, and compliance with court orders. That goal takes <strong>on</strong>particular importance as efforts are made to politicize the statejudiciary.A NEW REFORM AGENDAWhere did court reformers go astray? <strong>Procedural</strong> fairnessresearch offers a c<strong>on</strong>vincing answer. While court reformersfocused <strong>on</strong> “instrumental factors” such as time to dispositi<strong>on</strong>and costs associated with structural and procedural changes,the public was, and is, focused <strong>on</strong> the quality of their interacti<strong>on</strong>with judges and experiences within the court system. 4<strong>Procedural</strong> fairness can also explain why some courtreforms proved successful. Problem-solving courts, of whichsome 3,200 now populate the court landscape, 5 have beenshown in rigorous evaluati<strong>on</strong>s to reduce recidivism levels indrug, mental health, and mental health cases significantlyFootnotes1. LARRY L. SIPES, COMMITTED TO JUSTICE: THE RISE OF JUDICIALADMINISTRATION IN CALIFORNIA 119 (2002).2. STATE COURTS: A BLUEPRINT FOR THE FUTURE: PROCEEDINGS OF THESECOND NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE JUDICIARY HELD INWILLIAMSBURG, VIRGINIA 15 (Theodore J. Fetter ed., 1978).3. UTAH COMMISSION ON JUSTICE IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY, FINALREPORT 6-7 (1991).32 Court Review - Volume 444. Tom R. Tyler, Public Trust and C<strong>on</strong>fidence in Legal Authorities:What Do Majority and Minority Group Members Want for the Lawand Legal Instituti<strong>on</strong>s? 19 BEHAV. SCI. & L. 215 (2001).5. C. WEST HUDDLESTON, III ET AL., 2 PAINTING THE CURRENT PICTURE:A NATIONAL REPORT CARD ON DRUG COURTS AND OTHER PROBLEM-SOLVING COURT PROGRAMS IN THE UNITED STATES 1 (Nati<strong>on</strong>al DrugCourt Institute 2008), available at http://www.ndci.org/publicati<strong>on</strong>s/PCPII1_web.pdf.