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Human Rights, Serious Crime and Criminal Procedure - College of ...

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Taking a "Balanced" View <strong>of</strong> the Public Interestprivilege against self-incrimination worthy <strong>of</strong> its status as afundamental right? Should exceptions be made to it? Is thepresumption <strong>of</strong> innocence worth preserving in its present form?If so, should it not be taken more seriously, <strong>and</strong> exceptionsscrutinised with greater care? Does the right to legal aid <strong>and</strong>assistance in Article 6(3) go far enough?This re-appraisal ought to extend to considering the claims <strong>of</strong>other rights to be given the status <strong>of</strong> "fundamental rights". Arecent example <strong>of</strong> this is to be found in Protocol 7, Article 4,which introduced into the Convention the "right not to be triedor punished twice" (discussed in the first lecture, part D10).Other c<strong>and</strong>idates are the right not to be subjected to disproportionatepunishment, for which there is scattered recognition butno clear statement 128 ; the right not to be subjected to criminalconviction without pro<strong>of</strong> • <strong>of</strong> fault (or, at least, not to beimprisoned for a criminal <strong>of</strong>fence without pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> fault); <strong>and</strong> anumber <strong>of</strong> rights connected with methods <strong>of</strong> investigation <strong>and</strong>interrogation, including the use <strong>of</strong> deception. Issues <strong>of</strong> this kindmust be brought into the mainstream <strong>of</strong> human rights discussion:democratic processes ought to, as it were, take them backfrom the judicial fora in which they too frequently rest. Public<strong>and</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional debate about the recognition <strong>and</strong> contents <strong>of</strong>basic rights is vital if the European Convention is not to becomedisastrously cut <strong>of</strong>f from the democratic countries that aresubject to it, or to become so remote from the issues affectingcriminal investigation that its precepts are no longer recognisedas truly fundamental.1 Although that has happened in the aftermath <strong>of</strong> the events <strong>of</strong> September 11,2001, in relation to anti-terrorism measures. See the Home Secretary, DavidBlunkett, reported in The Times, September 24, 2001, p.l, who "warned Labourbackbenchers worried about the possible violation <strong>of</strong> human rights that failureto act would allow terrorists to 'make a monkey out <strong>of</strong> us'", <strong>and</strong> subsequentlyproposed a derogation from Art. 5 to allow the detention without trial <strong>of</strong>certain foreign nationals, a derogation that has now taken effect under theAnti-Terrorism, <strong>Crime</strong> <strong>and</strong> Security Act 2001.2 (1996) 22 E.H.R.R. 293.3 A draft bill, put out for comment by the Home Secretary, will consolidate <strong>and</strong>exp<strong>and</strong> these confiscation powers: Proceeds <strong>of</strong> <strong>Crime</strong> Bill 2001.4 Phillips v. U.K., judgment <strong>of</strong> July 5, 2001; the dissenting judges make apowerful case for regarding the procedure as criminal, even though they didnot differ as to the result <strong>of</strong> the case. See also Benjafield [2001] 2 Cr.App.R. 7.5 The Labour Party, A Quiet Life (1995).6 See the discussion <strong>of</strong> Brogan v. U.K. <strong>and</strong> other decisions in Chap. 2.7 1 am grateful to Caroline Fennell <strong>and</strong> her unpublished doctoral thesis for theseperspectives.133

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