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Human Rights, Serious Crime and Criminal Procedure - College of ...

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Why bother with <strong>Rights</strong> when Public Safety is at risk?category involve little in the way <strong>of</strong> violence or threats, <strong>and</strong> thecategory <strong>of</strong> drug <strong>of</strong>fences includes possession, which accountsfor some nine-tenths <strong>of</strong> the total. As a result, the figure cannotbe used as an indicator <strong>of</strong> the growth in drug trafficking on alarge scale. Moreover, there are no separate figures for organisedcrime, which is <strong>of</strong>ten identified as a major threat to law <strong>and</strong>order <strong>and</strong> to public safety.Although the figures are unable to <strong>of</strong>fer a sharply focusedpicture <strong>of</strong> the risk to public safety, it would be fair to infer fromthem that the risk <strong>of</strong> serious violence is not decreasing <strong>and</strong> isprobably increasing. There are, however, two further questionsone might ask about public safety. One is whether the image <strong>of</strong>increased vulnerability to attack by strangers is itself an accurateone. The activities <strong>of</strong> organised crime are depicted as violent,<strong>and</strong> robberies usually involve attacks by strangers. But many<strong>of</strong>fences <strong>of</strong> violence <strong>and</strong> sexual <strong>of</strong>fences are committed byfamily members, "friends" <strong>and</strong> acquaintances rather than bystrangers. For example, in 62 per cent <strong>of</strong> homicide <strong>of</strong>fences inthe last ten years the victim was acquainted with the suspect 116 ;a recent study <strong>of</strong> reported rapes showed that 43 per cent <strong>of</strong><strong>of</strong>fenders were intimates <strong>of</strong> the victim, a further 45 per centwere acquaintances, <strong>and</strong> only 12 per cent were strangers. 117 Thisis not to suggest that any <strong>of</strong> these <strong>of</strong>fences were less seriousbecause <strong>of</strong> the existence <strong>of</strong> a prior relationship, but simply tomake the point that the objective risk to "public safety" mightnot be found where many people think it is to be found. Asecond question concerns people's fears <strong>of</strong> serious crime: thereis much debate about the extent to which fear <strong>and</strong> risk are out <strong>of</strong>step, <strong>and</strong> some groups <strong>of</strong> people have fears <strong>of</strong> crime that runwell ahead <strong>of</strong> the objective risks. This is not the place to enterinto the details <strong>of</strong> that debate. 118 However, it is possible thatsome <strong>of</strong> the public statements about threats to public safety referto, or even generate, fears that do not correspond to theobjective risks. The conclusion <strong>of</strong> this paragraph, then, is thatthere may be gaps between beliefs <strong>and</strong> realities about risks topublic safety. This is not to deny that there are real risks topublic safety, or that it is worth taking measures to try to reducethose risks.Whether those preventive measures should rely significantlyon court sentences is difficult to say. Because so few <strong>of</strong>fences arereported, <strong>of</strong> those not all are recorded, <strong>and</strong> then only around aquarter are "cleared up", the proportion <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fences that resultin the conviction <strong>of</strong> the <strong>of</strong>fender is estimated to be around 3 percent. 119 The proportion is likely to be higher, perhaps around 15-16 per cent, for the more serious sexual <strong>and</strong> violent <strong>of</strong>fences, 12040

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