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The English Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect - Vinartus

The English Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect - Vinartus

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46 CHAPTER 2. NOUN PHRASE AND SENTENCEConsider the noun phrases of (50).(50) a. [ picture of himself]b. <strong>The</strong> city's [ destruction t ]c. His [ picture of himself]d. Its [ destruction t ]e. *Himself's [ picture of himself]f. *Himself's [ destruction t]If we assume the \maximal category" denition of c-command, and assumethat is not maximal, the subject and object positions mutuallyc-command. So we would expect that (a), John's picture of himself, wouldviolate Condition C of the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory, as the r-expression John is c-commanded and bound by himself. Similarly, his picture of himself shouldviolate Condition B, and (e) and (f) should arguably be good, with eachanaphor b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g the other. For this reason, Chomsky 1986a adopts twocommand relations: c-command, with the \branch<strong>in</strong>g node" denition, andm-command, with the \maximal category" denition. We can avoid thisduplication of relations by suppos<strong>in</strong>g, as <strong>in</strong> the DP-analysis, that is <strong>in</strong>fact maximal. <strong>The</strong>n a noun's complement would fail to m-command <strong>its</strong>subject, as desired.It is conceptually disagreeable to have one general notion of command|m-command|and another special notion of command for b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory,solely to be able to account for b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the noun phrase. But mattersare <strong>in</strong> fact worse than this. Consider aga<strong>in</strong> these adjunct control examplesfrom section 1:(51) a. John criticized Bill j after his j talkJohn's criticism of Bill j after his j talkb. *John criticized Bill j after PRO j talk<strong>in</strong>g*John's criticism of Bill j after PRO j talk<strong>in</strong>gWe can account for this paradigm if we assume that the after adjunct isattached high enough that the co<strong>in</strong>dexed elements, Bill and his, orBill andPRO, do not c-command each other. This does not prevent the pronounfrom tak<strong>in</strong>g Bill as antecedent, but it does block control of PRO by Bill(51b). Control of PRO is possible only when the antecedent c-commandsPRO.Under the standard analysis, this entails that c-command, not m-command,is the requisite notion of command, <strong>in</strong>asmuch aswe can attach the afteradjunct no higher than daughter of NP, <strong>in</strong>which case the only node <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>gbetween Bill and PRO is N-bar.

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